Tag: identity

  • Beyond Blood: Rethinking Indigenous Identity and Belonging

    Beyond Blood: Rethinking Indigenous Identity and Belonging

    OK, so here is my shameless self-promotion – please buy my book and help me become a National Best Seller!! I would love to hear all your feedback on the ideas and issues covered in the book as well as ideas for my next book!!! You can buy my book directly from the publisher at http://www.purichpublishing.com/ or you can buy it from places like Chapters: http://www.chapters.indigo.ca/books/Beyond-Blood-Rethinking-Indigenous-Identity-Pamela-D-Palmater/9781895830606-item.html?ikwid=beyond+blood&ikwsec=Home

    Beyond Blood: Rethinking Indigenous Identity

    Dr. Pamela D. Palmater

    • What impact does status have on band membership codes?

    • What limits, if any, should be placed on the right to  determine citizenship?

    • Legal, political, and cultural factors affecting Indigenous identity and belonging

    • Interim proposed solutions to discrimination against Non-Status Indians

    “For hundreds of years, we have struggled to survive amid a patrilineal system of government. We will not continue to allow government policy to manage our affairs, decide who is Aboriginal or not based on blood quantum …” – Chief Candice Paul, St. Mary’s First Nation

    Author Pamela Palmater argues that the Indian Act’s registration provisions (status) will lead to the extinguishment of First Nations as legal and constitutional entities. The current status criteria contain descent-based rules akin to blood quantum that are particularly discriminatory against women and their descendants.

    Beginning with an historic overview of legislative enactments defining Indian status and their impact on First Nations, the author examines contemporary court rulings dealing with Aboriginal rights and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in relation to Indigenous identity. She also examines various band membership codes to determine how they affect Indigenous identity, and how their reliance on status criteria perpetuates discrimination. She offers suggestions for a better way of determining Indigenous identity and citizenship and argues that First Nations themselves must determine their citizenship based on ties to the community, not blood or status.

    Dr. Palmater teaches politics at Ryerson University and holds a JSD in law from Dalhousie University. She was denied Indian status as a Mi’kmaq because her grandmother married a non-Indian.

    “It is time that the Indian Act was revised, section by section, in full consultation with First Nations so that we can keep the sections which benefit our communities and finally eliminate those sections which threaten our very existence. Dr. Palmater’s book raises these very important issues …” – Chief Lawrence Paul, Millbrook First Nation

    “This work is an important discourse that looks at a judicial anomaly which continues to perplex the integrity of the Canadian legal system, and illustrates the glaring contradictions of an ever-weakening Honour of the Crown.” – Chief Isadore Day, Serpent River First Nation

    $35.00, 280 pages, index, paper, 6 x 9, spring 2011                                ISBN 978-1895830-606

    Purich Publishing Ltd.                                                              P: 306-373-5311

    PO Box 23032 RPO Market Mall                                             F: 306-373-5315

    Saskatoon SK S7J 5H3                                                   E: purich@sasktel.net

                        

    Visit www.purichpublishing.com or ask at your local book retailer

  • The Country of Harper: Are We Moving Towards an Autocracy?

    I am absolutely stunned by what has been happening in politics lately. Canada used to pride itself in being a democracy, but in recent years under the Conservative government, we have moved further and further away from a real democracy that represents the voice of the people, and have moved closer and closer to an autocracy. An autocracy is a form of government where one person possesses unlimited power. Leaders who are autocrats are sometimes referred to as dictators or tyrants. Some of you who are political scientists or armchair critics might be thinking that Canada is not really an autocracy because we have a Constitution (which is the supreme law of the land), an independent judiciary and free elections. That is absolutely true. Technically, Canada is set up as a democracy – rule by the people. However, what is happening in practice differs a great deal from how things are SUPPOSED to work. Some key events have made me question where we are headed. My fear is that we may be repeating history under the guise of politics. Don’t forget, some of the worst of tyrants and dictators started out as something else – passionate leaders for a cause which they believed to be “good”. Just to be absolutely clear – I am not a member of any political party – Liberal, Conservative, or NDP. Nor am I a member of any other federal party of which, you might be surprised to know, there are quite a few: http://www.altstuff.com/federal.htm So this isn’t an election smear campaign, promo ad for the liberals, or pro-NDP blog. This blog represents my thoughts on what is happening based on all my knowledge, experience, education and most of all, my common sense. It is my personal opinion, and I am entitled by law to exercise my freedom of expression and share my personal views with the world. This freedom, as with other rights, are guaranteed in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms: http://www.canlii.org/en/ca/const/const1982.html  2. Everyone has the following fundamental freedoms: (a) freedom of conscience and religion; (b) freedom of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including freedom of the press and other media of communication; (c) freedom of peaceful assembly; and (d) freedom of association. As integral as these ideals are to our democratic society, under the Harper regime (or whatever it is), these rights are slowly but surely being eroded. I have to worry now, whether my personal views and opinions are safe from unreasonable and arbitrary interference, when I hear reports that the government has contracted private companies to monitor our Facebook postings and other social media sites: http://www.ctv.ca/CTVNews/QPeriod/20100523/government-online-forums-100523/ Seriously? I knew there were some looney-toons sending me messages, but this is too much. Who is Canada to invade our social spaces, where we enjoy the freedom to discuss what we want, and add what THEY view to be the CORRECT information in our discussions? What about politics is correct – or is there only one way of thinking now? This sounds eerily close to other countries which do not allow dissent or who control social media communication. Is this where Canada is headed? You may have also heard the latest about Prime Minister Harper changing the name of our Canadian Government to the “Harper Government”. I thought it was a joke at first, but no, this is serious: http://ca.news.yahoo.com/grit-ads-blast-harper-government-rebrand-20110304-142800-929.html How could a democracy, which is truly governed by the people, have the name of the people’s government changed to reflect a single leader’s name without consulting with the people? Canada is not the sum total of Stephen Harper (thank goodness), so how on earth could he be so egotistical to think Canadians would agree to this? http://ca.news.yahoo.com/tories-rebrand-govt-canada-harper-govt-expert-says-20110303-125237-072.html Our government is supposed to represent all of its people – not a single leader. Nothing good can come from boiling down our government to one person – we have seen what happens when individual leaders think they are all powerful. I can understand the layman’s use of that kind of terminology, as the media does it all the time. However, they do so as a short-cut to saying what the Conservatives, in general, are doing as opposed to saying Canada is Harper. In the United States of America, the media often refers to the Obama administration, but you NEVER hear the government refer to itself as the United States of Obama. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/harper-accused-of-shaping-language-for-political-ends/article1929548/ What makes this all the more suspicious is that they did this all in great secrecy. We might not even know this change has happened but for a bureaucrat “inadvertently” bringing the news to light. This is very characteristic of how the “Harper” government works. When the “Harper” government tried to defend itself by saying that Chretien used to do the same thing, lifelong politicians quickly pointed out that this was not the case. “Mr. Chretien . . . had way too much respect for our public institutions to cheapen them the way Harper has and he didn’t have the political megalomania the way Harper has to ensure his likeness or name was stamped on everything the government does.” In fact, many long-time politicians have pointed out that this name change even violates the Federal Identity Program Policy: http://www.tbs-sct.gc.ca/pol/doc-eng.aspx?id=12314&section=text One of the objectives of this policy is to help “project the Government of Canada as a coherent, unified administration“. This can’t be the case if a name is chosen which reflects only one person and is obviously partisan in nature. The policy goes on to state that “the “Canada” wordmark are applied wherever an activity of the federal government is to be made known in Canada and abroad“. This includes communications with other states. Similarly, the Communication Policy of the Government of Canada is designed to “Ensure that institutions of the Government of Canada are visible, accessible and accountable to the public they serve” and that key messages represent our diversity. There is nothing diverse about changing our government’s name to “Harper Government”. All this does is send the message that Canada is a one-man show: http://www.tbs-sct.gc.ca/pubs_pol/sipubs/comm/cph-fspc01-eng.asp#_Toc141192549 To put it simply, Canada is not now, nor has it ever been represented by one single autocrat, tyrant, or dictator, nor should it be in the future. Who is Harper to be so egotistical and ethnocentric to think that a white man could stand before the world and say that HE is Canada. How quickly he has forgotten the First Peoples of this Country and that our identity and rights are protected in the Supreme Law of Canada – the Constitution Act, 1982. I don’t see Harper’s name ANYWHERE in the Constitution. Perhaps we should change the name to the Aboriginal Peoples Government – maybe that would end Canada’s paternalistic hold over our communities and “re-brand” Canada in a more realistic way. After all, this is our territory. I think that every person who reads this blog should file an official complaint with the Treasury Board of Canada who is responsible for overseeing these rules and policies. http://www.tbs-sct.gc.ca/tbs-sct/cmn/contact-eng.asp Then, take another 5 minutes and e-mail all MPs at the following addresses: To contact Liberal MPs – LIBMEM@parl.gc.ca To contact Bloc MPs – BQMEM@parl.gc.ca To contact Conservative MPs – CPCMEM@parl.gc.ca To contact NDP MPs – NDPMEM@parl.gc.ca I welcome any comments and feedback at palmater@indigenousnationhood.com

  • The Silent War – Government Control of Indigenous Identity

    This blog represents excerpts from the talk that I gave last week on the issue of Indigenous Identity. I realize, however, that many of Indigenous peoples can’t access public lectures, conferences, and other similar forums for information and debate. I therefore decided to include this information in my blog, knowing that there are still many of us who do not have access to computers or the Internet. Canada’s cutting off the water supply at Constance Lake First Nation so that the community has barely enough to drink but not bathe, despite Canada’s “endorsement” of UNDRIP, is but one example of how many of us are forced to manage our extreme poverty and do not have computers, Ipads or TVs. Thus, many do not have the ability to access the kinds of information found on the Internet which many of us get to take for granted – like blogs. So, here are some excerpts from my discussion about Indigenous identity: I wear my Indigenous identity proudly, but have to carry on my back the other identities imposed by government through law and policy. I am forced therefore, to explain my Indigeneity as being comprised of two separate but conflicting sides which are constantly at “war”. The first is my identity as experienced by me internally – within my own heart as an individual and communally with my family, extended family, community and Nation. The second is my “lived experience of Indigenous identity” – i.e. my identity as experienced externally – through relations with both Canadian society and the state. My own identity has shaped by the histories, stories, lessons, and practices passed on to me by my large extended family. This has shaped my worldview, values, and aspirations – it is essentially what some might refer to as my cultural identity. My experience of identity on the other hand, has been shaped entirely by others – by school mates, teachers, employers, friends, neighbors, historians, judges, politicians and governments. While my own Indigenous identity is strong and has survived the test of time, it is scarred and bruised by my lived experience of identity and the ongoing attack on my identity through government law and policy designed to assimilate Indigenous peoples into the body politic. So who am I? I am a Mi’kmaq woman. That is my identity, recognizing however that Indigenous identity is a relationship – a two-way street between myself and my nation. What I mean by this is that my nation cannot exist unless its citizens, like me, both recognize it AND support it. Similarly, I can assert my Mi’kmaq identity but it requires my nation to both recognize AND support me as a citizen. This mutually dependent relationship has been the way of the Mi’kmaq Nation and its citizens since time immemorial. Yet, this relationship is also where Canada has chosen to erect barriers in order to divide, conquer, and destabilize us, with the ultimate goal of reducing our numbers until we are assimilated. My identity as a MI’KMAQ WOMAN has been in constant conflict with these barriers. My identity as a Mi’kmaq woman means that I am a Teacher who is responsible to pass on our history, language, culture, and laws. I am a Warrior who is responsible to protect our nations, territories, trees, animals, and citizens. I am a Caregiver who is responsible to care for my children, mothers, grandmothers, and aunties. I am also responsible to be a Leader in my own life – to stand up for what is just regardless of the consequences. I am responsible to be a Living Example – to live our values for our young ones to see so that they know how to live in balance. We are not to live in wealth that destroys the earth nor in poverty that destroys our spirit. Some have discounted our Indigenous values and traditions as being ancient and irrelevant in modern times. In my opinion, these traditional values are more important today than ever before. I believe they are what will inspire our people to action, stand up against the current injustices and reclaim our spirit and identities. However, despite my own identity as Mi’kmaq, I have been labeled as “ABORIGINAL” by others. This is a legal and social construct of the Canadian state which lumps my Mi’kmaq identity in with the generic terms of Indians, Inuit and Metis as if we were all just one race of people with the same cultures and world views. Taiaike Alfred, in his book Wasase, explains that “aboriginalism” amounts to little more than “racialized violence and economic oppression meant to bring about a silent surrender” of who we are as Indigenous peoples. I have resisted surrender – but the battle seems to be never-ending and I fear that most Canadians are not even aware of what is at stake for us. They see our identity only in terms of unfair entitlements and special treatment. Yet, my identity is primarily about my responsibilities and relations with my Nation and my connections with our traditional territory of MI’KMAKI. Mi’kmaki represents the seven distinct districts of Mi’kmaq territory including NB, NS, PEI, NFLD, parts of Quebec and Maine. With the exception of the last two years, I have spent my entire life living within my traditional territory and those lands are an essential part of my identity. My heart aches if I am far from home for too long as I know that my responsibilities to my territory does not diminish when I live elsewhere. However, the Crown has put limits on my ability to fully enjoy my Mi’kmaq identity through the imposition of provincial boundaries and policies that restrict my rights on a provincial basis. I am considered a NB MI’KMAQ and therefore not entitled to hunt or fish in NS; enjoy my treaty rights in PEI; or have a say in what happens in Mi’kmaq territory in NFLD. Even within NB, the provincial government has drawn an arbitrary line called the Ganong Line telling my Nation and the Maliseet Nation whose territory is whose. These barriers are all externally imposed and designed to divide our Nation. Within Mi’kmaki, my home community (or band) is EEL RIVER BAR FIRST NATION located in northern NB. Yet this is not even the location of our true community. It is the location to which my original community was relocated, as the lands on which they had originally occupied for their more permanent settlements were considered too valuable to be occupied by Indians. However, my family has now lived at Eel River Bar for many generations and therefore we have strong connections to that specific part of our territory as well. Yet, despite my own identity as a Mi’kmaq woman and the essential role that my connections to the land play in that identity, INAC (Indian and Northern Affairs Canada) has determined that I am a NON-BAND MEMBER and therefore not entitled to live in my home community or have a say in its governance or future. Unfortunately for many Indigenous peoples, our own communities have now taken over Canada’s role and exclude our own people on the same basis. I have learned how to survive in this war against my identity and live my Mi’kmaq identity despite the fact that I am a non-band member. I proudly assert that I am an ON-TERRITORY MI’KMAQ citizen. After all, I have always lived on my traditional Mi’kmaq territory and have acted always in protection of it. This is an important part of my identity and is really inseparable from it. Even now that I live in Toronto, I still have a strong connection to Mi’kmaki and maintain those connections. This is not easy to do when I am legally excluded from my community, but is necessary to ensure that identity for my children. As I explained earlier, there is consistent conflict between my personal identity and my lived experience of identity. I may feel like I am an on-traditional territory Mi’kmaq, but am still dismissed as an OFF-RESERVE INDIAN or URBAN ABORIGINAL. Non-Indigenous writers like Tom Flanagan, Alan Cairns and others try to persuade Canadians that because I don’t live on reserve, that this somehow makes me less of a Mi’kmaq person. To them, the movement of Indigenous peoples off-reserve is as inevitable as their corresponding loss of identity which is prophecized. Yet, there were never any reserves for the many thousands of years that we have existed as Mi’kmaq peoples. Reserves are an artificial creation and imposition of the government which were meant to control us and dispossess us of our traditional territories. The goal was to open up our lands for settlement. Why would I ever define myself in a way which legitimizes Canada’s theft of our lands? What kind of message would that be to my children? All of that lived experience of Indigenous identity which has been imposed from those outside my Nation ignores the fact that my identity also comes from the many great Mi’kmaq people who have made up our Nation, like my GREAT GRANDFATHER LOUIS JEROME. He is said to be one of the last traditional Chiefs of my home community and dedicated his life to travelling throughout Mi’kmaki to maintain relations amongst the seven districts. His daughter, my GRANDMOTHER MARGARET JEROME was a well-known healer of our community and had extensive knowledge of the traditional uses of plants and herbs in healing our people. She was so good at what she did that even non-Indigenous doctors asked for assistance in times of disease. Her son, my father, FRANK PALMATER quit school in grade three to care for his large family and then fought in the WWII to protect our territories. To him, the treaties we made with Britain were worth fighting to protect. Yet external determinations of my identity by the Canadian state ignore those connections. To INAC, because my grandmother married a non-Indian, she was no longer considered an Indian and therefore, not entitled to be a band member – nor were her children or grandchildren. Canadian laws turned my grandmother from a Mi’kmaq to an Indian to a non-status Indian and then back to Indian again in 1985. They are now referred to as BILL C-31’ers – those who got their Indian status restored in 1985 when the United Nations found Canadian laws discriminatory. My relations are considered lesser Indians than other Indians and often discriminated against because of their Bill C-31 status. As a result, this has meant no membership in our home community, no residency rights, or ability to participate in our government. All of these external laws create divisions, inequities and injustices that focus our attention on our externally imposed identities. Canada has successfully diverted our attention from our real identities. We are so busy trying to combat discrimination in Canadian laws that some of us have forgotten that that we must put as much energy, if not more, into protecting our Mi’kmaq identities. Growing up, I did not link my Mi’kmaq identity to my registration status under the Act. My family thankfully protected me from that hurt for as long as they could. I often identified myself as a TREATY INDIAN because the Mi’kmaq signed numerous peace and friendship treaties with the Crown. My family made sure I knew those treaties very well. These treaties, like those signed in 1725, 1726, 1752, etc, protect many of our Indigenous rights to hunt and fish for example, but are not the source of those rights. I therefore grew up knowing that our hunting, fishing, and gathering activities in which my large extended family participated were an essential part of who we were as Mi’kmaq peoples. Yet, the assertion of myself as a Treaty Indian is often met by a swift denial from federal and provincial governments. It is their position that I am nothing more than a NON-STATUS INDIAN. Since they only recognize status Indians as having treaty rights, governments tell me I don’t have a right to call myself Treaty Indian. Why do they call me a non-status Indian? Because there is a preference in the Indian Act for those who descend from the male line versus a female line. Had my grandmother been a grandfather, I would be registered under the Indian Act as an Indian (i.e. have status) as would my children. The changes that were made in 1985 in Bill C-31 did not fully remedy this legislated form of gender discrimination. Again Canada has directed our attention away from my status as a treaty descendant to one of non-status as an Indian. For every identity I assert in this battle, Canada has created another one to counter it. So, some say, well that’s OK Pam, soon under Bill C-3 you will be a STATUS INDIAN. In fact, I will be a section 6(2) status Indian, which is the lesser form of status. That status cannot be transmitted to my children. Even if my home community of Eel River Bar First Nation “allows” me to become a band member, my children will be excluded. Why? It’s not because Canada will exclude them from band membership under the Indian Act – Eel River Bar now controls its own membership and does the excluding for Canada. Layered on top of that lesser type of status will be the fact that it results from Bill C-3, I will be known as a BILL C-3’er, which is just as bad, if not worse, as being known as a Bill C-31’er. I will be considered a “new” Indian which discounts my lifelong identity and contributions as a Mi’kmaq woman and citizen. Furthermore, Indigenous women and their children impacted by Bill C-3 will NOT get to make claims for lost treaty, land claim, or other benefits despite the court finding of gender discrimination. Some of us have experienced the same kinds of loss of language, culture, and identity as those is residential schools, but because those affected are primarily Indigenous women and their children, they are treated as less worthy of being compensated for severe breaches of their Charter equality rights. So, again some might argue that government control over our identities only impacts my Indigeneity and there are many other aspects of my identity on which I could focus. After all, I am the MOTHER of two of the most amazing Mi’kmaq men – Yet even that identity is challenged by the state. Remember the 60’s scoop? Just as residential schools were being shut down all over the country, during the 1960-80’s, child welfare agencies were empowered to literally scoop up thousands of Indigenous children from their homes and place them in foster homes or permanently adopted them out without the knowledge or consent of the parents. Over 11,000 status Indian children were scooped and that number obviously does not account for all those children never registered as status Indians. These children denied their identities, languages, cultures, families, communities & Nations. Many Canadians misunderstand that period in our history to be over, which is the reason why it is labeled as the 60’s scoop – something that happened in the past. Yet Indigenous children NOW make up 60% of all children in care despite the fact that they are less than 4% of the population. We have HIGHER levels of our children in care now than in the 1960s!!! Canada and the provinces have continued with their policies of assimilation by TAKING OUR CHILDREN from us. Bill C-3 might not be directly physically removing our children, but will legally, socially, and politically remove them from us. Under Bill C-3, MY CHILDREN will be denied their status and thus their band membership, Mi’kmaq citizenship; and treaty rights. On some First Nations, no band membership means you can’t live on reserve and will be evicted. In that way, my children and many others could be prevented from physically being with their family. It is like Canada is taking away my right to parent my children and raise them as Mi’kmaq. This is not because they are any less Mi’kmaq than any status Indian person, but is solely because Canada has never shifted its position of assimilation. Canada is saying that they are not Mi’kmaq, but instead Canadian citizens who must adopt a different culture, identity, world view and even potentially a different place to live. Canada is ensuring that those children who are not stolen from us by Child Welfare agencies will still be removed from us by the Indian Act. This kind of law and policy which targets our children is one of the greatest threats to our future. Some of the more superficial persuasion might tell me to ignore all that and focus on my career and professional identity as a lawyer, but even my professional identities are challenged and belittled by state actors and society simply because of my Indigeneity. As an Indigenous person, my being a lawyer means that I am automatically part of Flanagan’s ABORIGINAL ELITE who are assumed to have never suffered the poverty and discrimination of “real” Indians but take advantage of all their benefits and affirmative action programs. Similarly, as a lifelong VOLUNTEER AND ACTIVIST, I have dedicated a great deal of my life to advancing our cause and helping to build capacity within our communities. However, in the Flanagan, Widdowson, Gibson, Tax Payer’s Federation and National Post world, I am part of the ABORIGINAL INDUSTRY that is allegedly “sucking First Nations dry”. With all of these battles, I can see how so many Indigenous peoples become confused about their identities, their relations with their communities and Nations, and with Canada generally. It feels like I have been engaged in this SILENT WAR MY ENTIRE LIFE which began so early that I can’t remember a time when I wasn’t in it. Something as essential to our individual and collective well-being as identity should not be part of the spoils of war. Liberal democracies pride themselves on fostering conditions that allow individuals to live the good life – the life we choose for ourselves. Why then can’t Indigenous peoples choose their own lives? Indigenous peoples have suffered enough with the loss of lands, natural resources, and water ways. They have survived wars against them, relocations, residential schools, the 60’s scoop, overrepresentation in jails, wrongful deaths, murdered and missing Indigenous women, and a whole host of assimilatory laws and policies. Attacking their identities hits us at our core. What is the solution? There are far too many complexities to get into in this blog, which is already too long, but certainly our Indigenous identities must be clearly and completely within our own hands – no more legislative control over who we are. We will likely still have internal struggles to de-colonize ourselves and rid of the divisions within our Nations, but they will be our struggles and we can work it out. In the meantime, legislation like the Indian Act simply cannot endorse gender or other forms of discrimination. Any initial cost that there might be to Canada will be far outweighed by the costs saved down the road. Poor health, violence, and suicide that results from people without an identity – people without hope or purpose – cost Canadians far more than healthy, secure communities. I aspire to be a contributing citizen of a strong, vibrant, inclusive Mi’kmaq Nation, which is self-determining and encourages participatory governance over our land and resources, international and inter-tribal relations, and economies that are based on our traditional values and principles that have evolved to address modern situations. That’s my aspiration for myself and my children so that my grandchildren and great grandchildren will never have to serve in this war against our identities and can instead focus on re-building the spirits and relations of our Nations.

  • Excerpts of My Presentation to the Standing Committee on Bill C-3

    What follows is an excerpt from my presentation that I will be delivering to the Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs which is studying a draft of Bill C-3 – Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act. Once I make the presentation, I will post my entire presentation online on my website: www.nonstatusindian.com. Part of the problem with Bill C-3 is how to respect gender equality in practice and not just the law. Delayed equality is not full equality. Canada fought the McIvor case for over 20 years and now proposes a minimal amendment that would require another person like Sharon McIvor to spend another 25 years to seek gender equality on essentially the same facts. An undefined joint process that does not have a specific mandate, clear objectives or identified funding for wide-spread participation does not provide any real comfort that gender discrimination, or any discrimination, will be addressed any time soon. This situation is coupled with the fact that no additional funding has been identified for bands based on their increased membership numbers. This could result in bands feeling that they do not have sufficient resources to accommodate all their members and may amend or create band membership codes which specifically exclude those affected by Bill C-3. Canada often blames Aboriginal peoples for not being of one mind on these issues. How quickly Canada forgets that this registration system was not only imposed upon us, but we were never consulted about what we wanted and the decision-making power rests solely with Canada. Aboriginal peoples have been living under the dark cloud of the Indian Act for over 130 years. How could Canada expect any result other than exactly what the Indian Act was designed to do – ensure that we were dependent, divided, and without our beliefs guide us. It’s time for Canada to right its wrongs. To do other than address all the gender (and other) discrimination could mean additional and significant delays in justice for Aboriginal women and children with regard to: (i) equal access to status and band membership; (ii) equal access to citizenship in self-government agreements; (iii) equal access to beneficiary status under treaties (historic and modern); (iv) equal access to beneficiary status under land claim agreements (specific and comprehensive); (v) an equal political voice in their communities (as electors and/or nominees for chief and council); and (vi) equal access to programs and services from Canada in relation to health, education, economic development, and tax supports; (vii) equal access to band programs and services like education & training, headstart, on- reserve schooling, housing, and tax supports; and (viii) equal access to elders, mentors, leaders, community members, land bases, cultural traditions, customs and practices, cultural events, and language training, etc. Respecting our Constitution, Charter, CHRA, and international human rights instruments and norms means we no longer have the option to exclude Indian women and their descendants from their birth right on the basis of political compromise, administrative inconvenience, opposition to human rights or added costs. Canada has previously exercised its legislative jurisdiction to amend the Act much more broadly than the litigation required and there is no reason it can’t do so again. Let’s try to get it right this time – my children are counting on you to uphold Canada’s commitment to gender equality and human rights both in the letter and in spirit. Here are my recommendations with regards to Bill C-3: (1) I believe that Canada should withdraw the Bill and redraft more appropriate legislation that deals with gender discrimination, in conjunction with Sharon McIvor and other Aboriginal technical experts from the AFN, NWAC, and CAP. If this could not be done, then I would recommend the following: (2) Make an amendment to section 2 of Bill C-3, by adding the words “or was born prior to April 17, 1985 and was a direct descendant of such a person” to section 6(1)(a) of the Indian Act, 1985; (3) Delete sections 3 and 4 of Bill C-3 and any references to a new section 6(1)(c.1) of the Indian Act; (4) A new section should be added before or after sections 7 and 8 of Bill C-3 that provide protections for Bill C-3 individuals with regards to band membership, especially for those born pre-1985; (5) Section 9 of Bill C-3 should be deleted in its entirety or amended to provide limited protection for bands and only in relation to status; (6) Adequate funding be provided to First Nations for band-delivered programs and services based on their increased membership numbers (if any) and funding to enable all bands to draft membership codes, to review their current band membership codes and make the necessary amendments to incorporate gender equality; (7) Canada, in partnership with AFN, NWAC, CAP, Aboriginal communities and individuals negotiate a process by which to compensate those affected by Bill C-3 (or some other form of the Bill) in the fairest, quickest manner possible; (8) Additional legislation be drafted in partnership with AFN, NWAC, CAP, Aboriginal communities and individuals to proactively address the remaining aspects of gender discrimination in the Indian Act; and (9) That Canada, in partnership with AFN, NWAC, CAP, Aboriginal communities and individuals negotiate the mandate, terms of reference, funding structures and deliverable objectives of the joint consultation process that will lead to further amendments dealing with the larger discrimination and jurisdiction issues under the Indian Act in the short term, and negotiate a similar process to engage in longer term solutions like modern treaties, self-government agreements and so forth. Obviously my presentation contained a great deal more detail about what the actual problems were with Bill C-3, but this lets everyone know what I’m thinking in terms of go-forward solutions. Keep an eye on my website for my entire presentation which will be posted later on this week.

  • Bill C-3 Creates More Discrimination than it Remedies

    As with all my blogs, the contents are my own personal views and should never be taken as legal advice. In my last blog, I provided some of my concerns with regards to Bill C-3 Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act which was introduced on March 11, 2010. The purpose of this blog will be to review Bill C-3 in much more detail. However, readers should be aware that this Bill is not yet law and must go through several more stages before it even has a chance at being law. First it is introduced in the House of Commons and given its first reading, which is really just a presentation of the Bill – like what Minister Strahl did with Bill C-3. It must then go through a second reading (where the principle of the Bill is debated) and then referred to committee for study. It is at this stage that the committee will hear witnesses and comments about each section of the Bill. The next stage is the report stage where amendments can be made and then this is followed by the third and final reading. If the Bill is passed by the House of Commons then it is sent to Senate where the process is repeated. Assuming that it passes through the Senate, then the Governor General can give the Bill “Royal Assent” and will become law on the day of assent unless the Bill says otherwise. There is still some time before this Bill becomes law, so it is very important that we all submit our comments and views about it to our Members of Parliament (MPs), Senators, Minister Strahl, our Aboriginal representative organizations, Liberal Aboriginal Affairs Critic, Todd Russell, and any other group or organization that you feel will bring the message forward on your behalf. I have already sent my letter to Minister Strahl and this blog will provide a brief overview of some of my comments/concerns. First of all, my providing comments to the Minister of Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) does not equate with acceptance or agreement with Bill C-3 or its amendments. It is my opinion that Canada does NOT have the jurisdiction to determine our identities – legally, culturally, politically or otherwise. However, I realize that practically speaking, the Indian Act will be amended whether I agree or not and I would rather have my input into those changes than not. That being said, I do not condone such a limited amendment as that presented in Bill C-3 which clearly does NOT address all of the blatant gender discrimination in the status provisions of the Indian Act. This problem is only transported into the band membership rules as a result. In numerous discussions with other lawyers and community members, I have identified at least three very specific problems with the proposed amendments: (1) Section 6(1)(c.1)(iii) contains awkward, confusing wording that creates a great deal of uncertainty and ambiguity about what this section is meant to accomplish; (2) Section 6(1)(c.1)(iv) contains new, additional criteria that is discriminatory, illogical, counter to how status is normally transmitted, and completely unnecessary in order to effect a proper gender equity remedy; and (3) Section 9 contains an overly broad, offensive and unjust insulation from liability for Canada and the bands, for Canada’s role in creating and perpetuating gender discrimination against Indian women who married out and their descendants. I will deal with each of the above concerns separately and summarize my recommendations at the end. (1) Section 6(1)(c.1)(iii) specifically provides as follows: (iii) was born on or after the day on which the marriage referred to in subparagraph (i) occurred and, unless the person’s parents married each other prior to April 17, 1985, was born prior to that date, and… This section is awkwardly worded and as such creates a great deal of uncertainty about its potential application. What was Canada’s intention with this section? Where did this wording come from? I would recommend that section 6(1)(c.1)(iii) be amended for greater clarity with an explanatory note that very clearly specifies what it is meant to accomplish and how. (2) Section 6(1)(c.1)(iv) provides as follows: (iv) had or adopted a child, on or after September 4, 1951, with a person who was not entitled to be registered on the day on which the child was born or adopted; This section has the effect of creating a new way to determine entitlement to registration and, as a result, creates a new form of discrimination as between the siblings of the Indian women who married out. What this additional criterion does is determine entitlement to registration based on the status or lack thereof of the applicant’s children. Status has always been determined based on the entitlement of one’s parents, i.e. parents transmit their status to their children – not vice versa. This is both illogical and discriminatory. It is illogical because it does not reflect either the trial court’s or the Court of Appeal’s decision in McIvor. It is discriminatory because it creates new, inequitable distinctions between the sibling children of Indian women who married out. The problem can be seen in the following way: (1) If the children of Indian women who married out have Non-Status Indian children (or disentitled children), their children can only be registered under section 6(2) and cannot share in the same identity as their parent; will not be able to transmit status to their children in their own right; and will be excluded from membership in bands that exclude section 6(2) Indians or their equivalent. Despite the fact that the section 6(2) parent will become a section 6(1)(c.1) Indian and therefore have a higher chance of becoming a band member, they suffer in the sense that they can’t pass on equal identity and rights to their children and therefore their children have a higher chance of not being accepted in their community. (2) On the other hand, if the section 6(2) parent had status Indian children, then these section 6(1) Indian children have a higher chance of becoming band members than their section 6(2) parent who will remain as a section 6(2) Indian. In this way, the section 6(2) Indian parent will personally suffer for having had status Indian children, because they will not receive the Bill C-3 gender equity remedy solely because their children are status Indians. The descendants of Indian women who married out seem to be punished time and again for not being able to manage the Indian Act’s entitlement formula that is really designed to disentitle people. This is beyond unjust – it violates our inherent right to our Aboriginal identities and to be self-determining in our own individual and collective lives. Canada is once again interfering with the most private and intimate part of our lives – how and when and with whom we decide to have relations – in order to limit and/or reduce the status Indian population. Section 6(1)(c.1)(iv) ignores the gender discrimination imposed on the children of Indian women who married out and suggests that this discrimination skipped a generation and fell solely on the grandchildren and, as a result, only the grandchildren are entitled to a remedy. What could possibly be the purpose of this section, but to limit as much as possible, the number of status Indians who will be entitled to band membership and to limit the overall number of Indians in the future? I would recommend that section 6(1)(c.1)(iv) be deleted in its entirety. It is not necessary to achieve gender equity as a result of the McIvor case. (3) Section 9 provides as follows: 9. For greater certainty, no person or body has a right to claim or receive any compensation, damages or indemnity from Her Majesty in right of Canada, any employee or agent of Her Majesty, or a council of a band for anything done or omitted to be done in good faith in the exercise of theirpowers or the performance of their duties, only because (a) a person was not registered, or did not have their name entered in a Band List, immediately before the day on which this Act comes into force; and (b) one of the person’s parents is entitled to be registered under paragraph 6(1)(c.1) of the Indian Act, as enacted by subsection 2(3). This section is an insult to Indian women and their descendants all over this country. Not only was Canada forced to make amendments to address gender inequality after fighting against the McIvor case for over 20 years; and not only has Canada proposed a very minimalist amendment; now Canada wants to ensure that it does not have to compensate the victims of gender discrimination? When Bill C-31 was amended to reinstate Indian women who had married out, Canada denied compensation to Indian women who married out on the basis that the Charter of Rights and Freedoms was not in effect pre-85 and it argued that it could not be held liable for laws that were not in effect at the time. However, the Charter has been in force for many decades since 1985 and Canada cannot now say they can’t be held liable for discriminatory actions that took place well after the Charter was in force. To do otherwise is to perpetuate the very negative stereotypes against Indian women that McIvor (and others) fought against – that they are less worthy, less Aboriginal, and less able to transmit their Aboriginality to their children simply by virtue of being Aboriginal women. Furthermore, findings of discrimination are based on effect, not on intention, and those victims that have suffered due to this discrimination deserve to be compensated – no less so that the victims of residential schools. Prime Minister Harper acknowledged that the assimilatory foundation upon which the residential school policy was designed was wrong; he apologized to the victims on behalf of all Canadians; and ensured that the victims were compensated. Aside from the physical aspect of residential schools, Indian status has had the same harmful effects on Indians and especially Indian women, as residential schools. By discriminating against Indian women and their descendants, they have suffered separation from their communities, family divisions, loss of identity, culture, language and dignity. Furthermore, their continued lack of access to federal programs and services have greatly affect their quality of life and their overall chances in life. By denying compensation to Indian women and their descendants for the same types of harms as were suffered in residential schools, Canada sends the message that Aboriginal women are somehow not deserved of redress or compensation for the harms suffered from gender discrimination created by Canada under the Indian Act. If there was any doubt as to the continued discrimination against Indian women, even in this amendment meant to address gender inequity, one need only refer to the privileged and protected positions of status of Indian men and their non-Indian wives and descendants. Throughout this process, non-Indians have been and continue to be protected under the Indian Act simply because of their association with Indian men. Non-Indian women who married Indian men gained status and benefits and non-Indian children were adopted and gained status. Not only did these non-Indians gain status, they were entitled to all the benefits, rights and interests that go with that status, including band membership, reserve residency, voting and running in band elections and a share of treaty and land claim benefits. The preservation of their status is guaranteed at every turn, where Indian women and their descendants must continually fight for it. Yet, non-status Indian children who are Aboriginal by birth, identity and culture, were excluded on the basis of gender discrimination which was known by Canada to be discriminatory and which has since been found to be discriminatory. Even with this minimalistic and highly problematic Bill C-3, there still won’t be gender equality between Indian men and women. The majority of parents struggling with poor socio-economic conditions in Aboriginal communities are single Indian mothers. The majority of off-reserve Aboriginal people suffering from poor socio-economic conditions are the descendants of Indian women who married out. Canada has publically stated that access to educational opportunities is the key to improving life for Aboriginal peoples. How many Indian women and their descendants could have gone to university to make a better life for themselves, their children, their families and communities had they been registered? I would recommend that section 9 either be deleted in its entirety or amended to provide limited protections for the bands and only in relation to the determination of status. Summary of Recommendations: (1) Section 6(1)(c.1)(iii) should be amended for greater clarity with an explanatory note as to what it is meant to accomplish; (2) Section 6(1)(c.1)(iv) should be deleted in its entirety; and (3) Section 9 should either be deleted in its entirety, or amended to provide limited protection for the bands in regards to status only. I hope that you will all consider my comments and offer your own feedback to our elected leaders so that gender discrimination is not perpetuated, but is finally addressed.

  • UPDATED – Bill C-3 – Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act

    Sharon McIvor went to court to challenge the gender discrimination in section 6 of the Indian Act, 1985. Registration under the Indian Act provides greater entitlements to Indian men who married out (married a non-Indian) and their descendants as compared with Indian women who married out. McIvor won both at trial and on appeal and the Supreme Court of Canada refused to hear any further appeal. While the trial court would have offered a broader remedy, the court of appeal limited the scope of the discrimination and therefore made comments which suggested to Canada that it might get away with a minimalist amendment. (For further information on the McIvor case, see my previous blog entry). As a result of these legal proceedings, Canada embarked upon a very short “engagement” process. It chose not to consult with Aboriginal peoples about the need to amend the Indian Act and instead presented Aboriginal groups with their proposed amendment. Prior to the amendments being released, most understood that the proposed amendment would grant section 6(1) status to the children of Indian women who married out (they are currently section 6(2) Indians) and grant for the first time, section 6(2) status to the grandchildren. However, it now appears that this is NOT the case. On Thursday, March 12, 2010 Minister of Indian and Northern Affairs (INAC) Chuck Strahl introduced Bill C-3 An Act to promote gender equity in Indian registration by responding to the Court of Appeal for British Columbia decision in McIvor v. Canada (Registrar of Indian and Northern Affairs) into the House of Commons. This Bill will have to go through both Parliament and the Senate in order to become law. With regard to the grandchildren of Indian women who married out, the Bill seems to be on track with what Canada proposed during the engagement sessions held in 2009. INAC has published a document to explain how the legislative amendments are intended to apply to individuals who are the grandchildren of Indian women who married out. Canada explains that if an individual can answer the following three questions, they are encouraged to apply for registration: (1) Did your grandmother lose her Indian status as a result of marrying a non-Indian? (2) Is one of your parents registered, or entitled to be registered, under sub-section 6(2) of the Indian Act? (3) Were you born on or after September 4, 1951? The problem comes when the children (not grandchildren) of Indian women who married out ask themselves whether they qualify for a change in Indian status from section 6(2) to section 6(1)? The short answer is YES – if they had disentitled kids (non-status Indian kids) and NO – if they never had any kids or had kids with another registered Indian therefore making their children “entitled”. Although not highlighted in their publication which explains how the new amendments might affect individuals, in one of their explanation documents, INAC provides the following check list to determine which section 6(2) Indians will be entitled to registration under the proposed section 6(1)(c.1): (1) Did your mother lose status for marrying an Indian man? (2)Is your father a non-Indian? (3) Were you born AFTER your mom lost status but BEFORE 1985 (unless your parents married each other prior to 1985)? (4)Did you have a child with a non-Indian on or after September 4, 1951? Number 3 is somewhat complex and confusing and seems to be an awkward attempt to prevent the possibility that any of the descendants of Indian women might have enhanced status. However, number 4 creates a whole new division amongst section 6(2) Indians – (1) those who had “disentitled” (non-status) kids and those without kids, and (2) those with disentitled kids and those with status Indian kids. For the first time in the Indian Act’s history, one’s specific entitlement to Indian status will depend in part on whether one has children, and more specifically whether one has non-status Indian children. Status has always been determined based on one’s parents. This new section would now put the focus on the status of one’s children. This is absolutely ridiculous and completely unnecessary in order to acheive the goal of addressing the inequity between the decendants of Indian women versus Indian men. This Bill is supposed to address gender inequity and not create more inequity and division between siblings and families. This is a significant matter that must be addressed before the Bill is passed. At the same time that Canada announced the Bill, they also indicated that there would be a joint process developed in conjunction with Aboriginal organizations, First Nations groups and individuals to try to address the broader issues around registration, band membership, treaties and other cultural issues. But some non-Aboriginal people are asking the question: why should Canadians care about this legislation? This is actually a good question that needs to be addressed. When Prime Minister Stephen Harper stood before Parliament and apologized to the survivors of the residential school system, he did so on behalf of all Canadians. While there has been a great deal of debate about the adequacy of the apology and an obvious lack of corresponding action, the fact remains that an apology was made. PM Harper apologized for the assimilatory foundation upon which the residential school policy was based. The goal of assimilation was based on the idea that European culture was superior to Aboriginal cultures. In addition to the physical and sexual abuse experienced by Aboriginal peoples in residential schools, they also suffered from divided families and communities, and a loss of language, culture and identity that has resulted in significant social ills within Aboriginal communities both on and off-reserve. What Canadians have to remember is that the Indian Act and its predecessor legislation is based on the very same assimilatory foundation as the residential school policy and it has caused the very same division of families and communities, and loss of language, culture and identity. The Indian Act went even further to incorporate a male-preference for registration, membership, residency, voting rights, and access to Aboriginal and treaty rights as well as various programs and services. Canada essentially incorporated an idea into the Act that gave the message to communities that Aboriginal women were less worthy and less capable of passing on Aboriginal identity and culture. This has had an incredibly damaging affect on both Aboriginal women and their communities. Yet, Canada, as a Nation, does not stand for racism or sexism. Canada publically holds itself out to the international community as being a modern, democratic country which values human rights, gender equality and multi-culturalism. If this is indeed representative of Canadian values as a whole, then Canadians ought to care very deeply whether laws affecting Aboriginal peoples also represent a respect for human rights, gender equality and respect for Aboriginal culture. The Indian Act’s registration provisions were based on outdated, assimilatory goals and include a formula that ensures the eventual legislative extinction of Aboriginal peoples. Canada must take action to amend the Act in a meaningful, significant way that reflects our core values as Canadians, at least until something else replaces the Act. The current proposed amendment does not do this. By not amending the registration provisions in any significant way, we are allowing assimilation to continue. This lack of action not only violates basic human rights related to gender and identity, it also violates section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982 which represents not only the highest law of the land, but a significant promise to Aboriginal peoples to protect their culture and identity for future generations. Canada accepts tens of thousands of new immigrants to this country every year, who draw upon Canada’s financial and other resources, yet Canada fought tooth and nail against Sharon McIvor for over 20 years to avoid having to register the descendents of Indian women. That does not represent a commitment to gender equity for Aboriginal peoples – it represents more of the assimilatory attitudes upon which this Act was originally based. We wouldn’t accept the reopening of residential schools – therefore Canadians should not stand for the continued assimilation of Aboriginal peoples through the registration provisions of the Indian Act. One can only hope that the joint process announced by Canada will address these urgent issues.

  • Mohawks or Canada's Disappearing Indians?

    The subject of racial purity is such a large one that it would be impossible to do it any justice in a simple blog. Similarly, the idea of using blood quantum to determine an individual’s identity and right to belong to their community is so complex that all I can expect to accomplish with this blog is provide food for thought. However, for those who are interested, I am currently editing my book on this subject in the hopes of publishing it sometime in 2010. Over the last few weeks, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal media have picked up a story that strikes at the heart of what it means to be an Aboriginal person in Canada. Are Mohawks, Mi’kmaq, Cayuga, Cree and Maliseet the biological result of nothing more than a simple formula to determine one’s blood purity – or does being Mohawk have more to do with common histories, ancestors, and territories or the sharing of common languages, customs, traditions and cultures? The Mohawk Indian Band Council in Kahnawake, through its Indian Act chief, Mike Delisle, have once again communicated the message that they are a blood club. However, before I deal with the core issues, a little context is necessary. Kahnawake, unlike the majority of bands in Canada, post their membership rules on their website for all to see. Most bands who have their own membership codes do not post their codes publically and sometimes refuse to provide copies to their own band members and/or potential band members. By way of anecdote, I have been sending letters to my own band for several years attempting to obtain both a copy of their membership code and an application form so that my children and I can apply. My phone calls and letters continue to go unanswered. I share this experience with a great number of band members and potential band members who attempt to seek information from their communities to no avail. I have to give credit to Kahnawake for making their membership code public and easily accessible to their members and potential members alike. According to the Indian Act, 1985, band membership is generally given to status Indians who are associated with a specific band upon their application to have their name entered on the band list. This list is maintained by Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC). However, pursuant to section 10 of the Act, bands are permitted to enact their own membership codes and maintain their own band lists, so long as they have a community vote and the majority votes in favour of the code. Their initial code must be submitted to INAC for approval, but once that is done there is no further requirement for bands to submit updated or amended codes. It took me many years of dealing with INAC’s Access to Information and Privacy (ATIP) process, but I was finally provided with all the band membership codes in Canada. Having read every single one, I can tell you that blood quantum is not a common criteria. Getting back to the issue at hand, there have been numerous headlines about Kahnawake’s decision to evict non-Mohawks. The key issue appears to be that Kahnawake has a rule that no non-Mohawks can live on their reserve. Yet, Mohawks are still marrying out, having common law relationships with non-Mohawks and having children with non-Mohawks. As a result, Kahnawake has delivered notices to a group of non-Mohawks advising them that they are to be evicted. Some of the headlines I have seen recently include: “If you marry out, you move out” “Why Mohawks evict non-Natives” “Racism on the reserve” “Kahnawake non-Mohawk eviction deadline looms” “Mohawk Chief denies ethnic cleansing” “Natives only please” “Not Native, then leave reserve Mohawks say” So, is it non-Mohawks who must leave the reserve, or non-Natives? If the answer is non-Mohawks, then what is a non-Mohawk? If it’s non-Native, how does the inclusion of other non-Mohawk Aboriginal peoples (like Mi’kmaq) further Kahnawake’s goal of Mohawk identity preservation? One would assume that a non-Mohawk is a non-Aboriginal person. Many of the reports noted above appear to indicate this is the case. However, if this residency rule is applied “evenly”, then it might also apply to Mohawks who don’t meet the blood quantum requirement for band membership. But what about Aboriginal people who are not Mohawks? What happens if a Mohawk woman lives with a Mi’kmaq man? Mi’kmaq people are not Mohawks. They have very different cultures, languages, customs, traditions and territories. Yet, it is my understanding that Mi’kmaq people who are married to Mohawks can apply to transfer their band membership from their Mi’kmaq band to the Kahnawake band. This is the same for any band member across the country. If this is the case, then what Kahnawake is really protecting is a generic “Indian” identity and not a Mohawk one after all. More than that, the majority of Indian bands in Canada do not explicitly use blood quantum to determine membership. But they do use the Indian Act rules, which since 1985 include a second-generation cut-off rule which amounts to a blood quantum rule of 25% or 1/4 blood. It is quite foreseeable then, that an Aboriginal person who is a band member of some other reserve could transfer their membership to Kahnawake and become a “Mohawk” band member. This would mean that non-Mohawk Aboriginal people of less than 50% blood quantum could become “Mohawk” and have the right to live on Kahnawake, but actual Mohawk people with less than 50% blood quantum would be refused membership and possibly residency. Even worse, Mohawk band members who live with non-Mohawks could be forced to leave the reserve. Setting aside the interests of non-Aboriginal people for one minute, Kahnawake’s residency rules do little to advance Mohawk culture, and instead create situations of pain, heart-ache, division, exclusion, break-up of families, and loss of cultural connection. Not only is the rule an offence to the dignity of Mohawks who have non-Aboriginal partners, it is counter to their own Mohawk history, traditions and customs. The reserve could end up being comprised of “Mohawk” band members who are not Mohawk at all, while actual Mohawks must live off reserve. In much of the research that I have read about Mohawk people, and especially that of Kahnawake, sources seem to indicate that Mohawks were traditionally very inclusive in terms of citizenship and as a result, have a high degree of mixed ancestries in their community. Gerald Alfred wrote about the identity struggles in Kahnawake in his book “Heeding the Voices of our Ancestors”: Kahnawake as a community had traditionally been extremely receptive to the integration of outsiders. Mission records from the early period of the community’s history confirm that Mohawks at Kahnawake had continued the practice of adopting and assimilating captives, resulting in a diverse racial mixture within the Mohawk community. Even into the modern era, Kahnawake Mohawks accepted many non-Native people through marriage and among those residents who came to enjoy community membership and later formal recognition of this membership through inclusion as status Indians when the Indian Act system was implemented in Kahnawake during the 20th century. (p.163) Alfred explains that the community assimilated the racist ideas of the Indian Act in terms of what it meant to be an Indian – i.e. a Mohawk , and blended European notions of “race” with their desire to protect their cultural identity. As a result, some members of Kahnawake actually believe that blood quantum is the only way to protect their culture, despite the fact that this concept was completely alien to their traditional ways of viewing their identity and citizenship. Alfred concludes that part of the problem is that the community had not acknowledged the deep extent to which community members have internalized Indian Act ways of thinking and therefore do not realize that instead of rejecting the Indian Act, they are actually perpetuating it! How can a community expect to protect its culture if they can so easily turn their backs on their own children and grandchildren? In my opinion, some (not all) community members and leaders have been under the dark cloud of colonialism for so long, that it is hard for them to see their identity through any other eye, than that of the federal government – who, as we all know, designed the Indian Act and its policies with a view to assimilating Aboriginal peoples based on racist conceptions of blood purity. Colonial policies were designed to divide communities and families and impose a generic “Indian” identity on all Aboriginal peoples with a legislated formula designed to ensure their eventual disappearance. How ironic is it then, that the leaders in Kahnawake would adopt policies which accomplish the exact same thing? Kahnawake currently operates under the Indian Band Council governance system set forth under the Indian Act; it limits their territories with which they form an identity to the reserves that were created by Indian Affairs; they label their citizens as “band members” pursuant to the Indian Act, and they assert that the only real Mohawks are those with 50% Mohawk blood or more. In actual fact, Kahnawake’s rules speed up the assimilation process much faster than even the Indian Act rules! No wonder the Chief is worried that the federal government will walk on to their reserve one day and say “You’re not Indians anymore”. Using blood as the sole indicator of identity guarantees this eventuality. We are Nations within a Nation and our people will continue to live, love and interact with other Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Nations. Intermarriage is a human right and fact of life. Perhaps it is time to acknowledge the damage done to our Aboriginal identities by Canada and the Indian Act; recognize how much of this racist thinking has been internalized to our ways of thinking about ourselves; and take steps to protect our real identities for the well-being of our present generations, for the benefit of our future generations, and to honour the identities of our ancestors.