Warrior Life Studios

Pam Palmater

Tag: Pam Palmater

  • RCMP Report on Murdered and Missing Aboriginal Women is Statistically Skewed

    In 2014, the RCMP released a report on their “National Operational Review” on the issue of “Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women” which amounted to 1181 women total – 164 missing and 1017 murdered.  The core conclusion of the report was that “Aboriginal women”* were over-represented in the numbers of murdered and missing. They cautioned readers that their report contained a certain amount of “error and imprecision” given the thirty year period of review, the human error of investigators, inconsistency of collection, and definitional issues.

    Let’s look at that caveat a little closer. The RCMP had to “limit” their file review to missing women who had been identified by RCMP on CPIC (Canadian Police Information Centre) as “non-white” female or “blank”. The category of “Aboriginal origin” was only recently added to CPIC and so could not possibly capture all Aboriginal persons. Similarly, the numbers do not include Aboriginal women who were mistakenly recorded as “white” or Aboriginal women who were reported missing but were never recorded. Given the high level of overt and systemic racism in policing as confirmed in the Donald Marshall Jr., Manitoba Justice, Ipperwash, and Pickton inquiries, the numbers of those missing never recorded could be extremely high.

    Now, let’s look at how the RCMP or other jurisdictions determine who is “Aboriginal”. The RCMP report notes that they used “perception-based assessment”. In other words, “how a police officer defines how an individual looks in terms of complexion and/or ancestry”. However, even this determination is not consistent across jurisdictions. Any number of jurisdictions use the following to identify persons:

                (1) official Aboriginal “status”;

                (2) officer discretion; and

                (3) self-identification.

    Based on the above, it would seem logical that the RCMP would miss identifying a large portion or even majority of Aboriginal persons. In the first methodology, I presume they meant to say “Indian status” or “Indian registration” because there is no formal or official “Aboriginal status”. I hope the RCMP know at least this much about the legislated identity of Indigenous peoples in Canada (hint: it’s in the Indian Act). For those that only use “Indian status”, that would exclude all the non-status Indians, Métis, and Inuit individuals in Canada. The most recent National Household Survey indicated that there were 1,400,685 Aboriginal people in Canada and only 637,660 of them were registered Indians. That leaves 763,025 individuals (more than half the Aboriginal population) excluded from possible identification as Aboriginal by RCMP standards.

    Even those who are identified based on their official Indian status, the RCMP fails to take into consideration the fact that there are well over 20,000 people with Indian status who do not descend from nor identify as “Indian” or “Aboriginal”. This is thanks again to the Indian Act which made non-Indian women and their non-Indian male and female children registered as Indians, despite their lack of Aboriginal ancestry or cultural connection. This equates to thousands of men with Indian status that are not in fact Aboriginal.

    With regards to the second methodology, the RCMP are identifying Aboriginal peoples based on a racist set of biological and/or physical characteristics which they unilaterally assign to Aboriginal people. In other words, “Aboriginal people” are treated as one race of people with certain pre-determined physical characteristics – like hair, eye or skin colour. They ignore the fact that Indigeneity is social, cultural, political, legal, territorial, and nation-based – not an identity based on race. This racist methodology would be as useless as trying to identify a Canadian citizen gone missing in the USA based on skin colour. Clearly, the RCMP would miss the vast majority of “Aboriginal people” using this kind of methodology.

    With regard to the third methodology of self-identification, the RCMP failed to indicate what percentage of jurisdictions actually rely on self-identification. This of course would not work in the context of a murdered or missing Aboriginal woman as she cannot self-identify. It might only work in the context of the woman’s family or friends choosing to identify her as Aboriginal. It is impossible to know how many people would voluntarily self-identify given the extent to which every level of the justice system is infected with overt and systemic racism as per the numerous justice inquiries. Many Aboriginal people have a justified fear of the RCMP stemming from residential school days, Starlight tours, and deaths in police custody – as well as provincial police forces for similar reasons.

    So, it is logical to conclude that the RCMP grossly under-counted the actual numbers of murdered and missing Aboriginal women in Canada. This conclusion is confirmed by the RCMP’s own admission that due to these methodological problems “a high number of Homicide survey reports where the identity of the victim (and/or accused) remained unknown“. This admission on their part is extremely important in understanding the racist dialogue which has recently unfolded at the Ministerial level.

    Aboriginal Affairs Minister Bernard Valcourt has been very vocal in his refusal to conduct a national inquiry into murdered and missing Indigenous women and little girls. He has publicly stated that part of the problem is that First Nation men “have a lack of respect for women and girls on reserve”. Aside from the fact that he forgot Métis and Inuit people who don’t live on reserves, Valcourt went on to tell Treaty 6 Chiefs that 70% of the cases, Aboriginal women were killed by Aboriginal men. The RCMP refused to release the statistics on the alleged perpetrators as they claimed a commitment to “bias-free” policing. That commitment did not last long as they issued a letter several days later to Treaty 6 Grand Chief seeming to back up Minister Valcourt.

    The RCMP’s exact words to Treaty 6 Grand Chief Martial were as follows:

    “In considering the offender characteristics, a commonality unrelated to the ethnicity of the victim was the strong nexus to familial and spousal violence. Aboriginal females were killed by a spouse, family member or intimate relation in 62% of the cases; similarly, non-aboriginal females were killed by a spouse, family member or intimate relation in 74% of occurrences.”

    This statistic confirms that Canadian women are more often killed by their spouse or families than Aboriginal women. Yet, in the second paragraph of this letter, the RCMP explain that despite their bias-free policing policy and despite their confidentiality agreement with Statistics Canada, they would release the sensitive information relating to offenders anyway in order to back up Minister Valcourt’s claims that “70% of offenders were of Aboriginal origin”.

    Some commentators rushed to conclude that the RCMP statement does in fact support the Minister’s claims and (a) that this somehow reduces Canada’s culpability for both creating and refusing to deal with this crisis; and (b) that, in fact, 70% of offenders were Aboriginal. Neither of these conclusions are correct. The RCMP’s statistics, as noted above, are extremely skewed and unreliable when it comes to the identification of Aboriginal people – victims or offenders. It bears repeating that the RCMP’s own assessment of problems in its methodology led them to conclude:

    “a high number of Homicide survey reports where the identity of the victim (and/or accused) remained unknown“.

    This means that a high number of the accused in murder cases have an unknown identity. Therefore, the RCMP’s claim that 70% of the accused are Aboriginal is highly suspect at best and completely inaccurate at worst.

    There is also a problem with the assumption that because 64% of Aboriginal women are killed by their spouses or families, that those offenders were in fact “Aboriginal”. Aside from having to make the racist assumption that Aboriginal people only have relationships with other Aboriginal people, the statistics do not bear this out. If you look only at the case of First Nations people, the vast majority of First Nations have out-parenting rates (children with non-Aboriginal people) that are moderate to high. Specifically, 246 First Nations have an out-parenting rate of 40-60%; 162 First Nations have an out-parenting rate of 60-80%; and 49 First Nations have an out-parenting rate of 80-100%. It is safe to say that no less than half of First Nations are in spousal or familial relationships with non-Aboriginal people. So, even if 64% of Aboriginal women are murdered by their spouses, it does not follow that those spouses are “Aboriginal”. Statistically, they are just as likely to be non-Aboriginal.

    One must also keep in mind that the RCMP did not include statistics on the number of RCMP and provincial police officers who have been accused of physically and sexually assaulting, murdering and/or causing to go missing, Aboriginal women in Canada. Despite a Human Rights Watch report which details accounts by young Aboriginal women and girls at the hands of the RCMP – the RCMP has refused to investigate its own members. We know at least one RCMP officer who lost 7 days pay for violating an Aboriginal women and one provincial court judge who plead guilty to physically and sexually assaulted Aboriginal girls as young as 12 years old.

    This shell game of numbers and statistics is meant to blame the victim and deflect attention away from Canada’s continued inaction to address this crisis which the United Nations has called a “grave violation” of our basic human rights. The crisis of murdered and missing Indigenous women and little girls continues while Canada (through Valcourt) blames the victim and the RCMP fail to live up to their duty to serve and protect everyone in Canada.

    Shame on them both. Nothing in the RCMP numbers changes anything. Canada has a crisis of murdered and missing Indigenous women and little girls regardless of who is doing the killing – and we need to address it.

    Don’t be fooled or distracted by Canada’s games. 

    We should all stay focused on pushing for both a national inquiry and for an emergency action plan to protect our women and girls and address the underlying root causes and inequities which make them vulnerable to begin with. * I use the term “Aboriginal” in this blog to reflect the terminology of the RCMP report only.

  • Genocide? Murder? Criminal Negligence? Or Passive Indifference? Canada is Killing Our People

    Racism doesn’t just hurt our feelings – racism kills. The two senseless deaths of First Nations children in a house fire in Makwa Sahgaiehcan First Nation in Saskatchewan from an unpaid bill of less than $4,000 has sparked outrage across Canada. In no other place in Canada would an ambulance, fire fighter or police officer ask a provincial resident if they had paid their taxes before answering an emergency call for help. Canada has a deep-seated racism problem which is killing our people. But to truly understand Indigenous outrage and sadness, one must understand both the context and true depth of this problem in Canada.

    In the mid-1700’s, colonial governments in what is now Nova Scotia considered the Mi’kmaw Nation to be “rebels” because we refused to give up our land. As a result, Governor Cornwallis issued a scalping proclamation that decimated the Mi’kmaw Nation by as much as 80%. In 1971, Donald Marshall Jr., was sentenced to life in prison for murder and spent 11 years in jail before his wrongful prosecution was exposed. A subsequent Royal Commission found the reason for his imprisonment was racism against Mi’kmaw people by all levels of the justice system.

    In 1999, the Supreme Court of Canada confirmed that the Mi’kmaw right to fish and trade it commercially was protected in our constitutionally-protected treaties. The result? Canada sent in law enforcement to beat, pepper spray and run over our fishing boats – in addition to legal charges. In 2013, Elsipogtog First Nation and other members of the Mi’kmaw Nation who supported their anti-fracking stance in Mi’kmaw territory were labeled “terrorists”, “militants” and “bad Indians”. The scalping law was not used but our people were beaten and imprisoned.

    From small pox blankets and scalping bounties to imprisonment and neglect – Canada is killing our people and Canadians will be next if nothing is done to change the value (or lack thereof) that we collectively put on human life – all human life. This dictatorial, police state is not what newcomers to Canada had in mind when they came to Canada. A territory shared with Indigenous Nations based on formal agreements (treaties) and information agreement (alliances) were founded on three principles: (1) mutual respect, (2) mutual prosperity and (3) mutual protection. Indigenous peoples, their families, communities and Nations protected and cared for newcomers. Our people fought in Canada’s world wars to protect our shared territory and people. Now it’s time for Canadians to stand up for Indigenous peoples.

    In 1971, Helen Betty Osborne was kidnapped and murdered in The Pas, Manitoba. Her grieving friends and family were treated like criminals while the accused men were given the royal treatment by law enforcement and left to walk free for years. This wasn’t the first time our Indigenous women and little girls have been victims of a racist Canada, but no action was taken. Today, Canadians are well aware of the thousands of Indigenous women and little girls have gone murdered and/or missing in Canada. Yet, there is no sense of alarm in Parliament, nor has the Canadian state taken any steps to work with First Nations to embark on an inquiry or implement an emergency action plan.  

    By 1996, the last residential school had closed which was supposed to mark an end to the theft of Indigenous children from our Indigenous families, communities and Nations. Literally thousands of Indigenous children were victims of murders, rapes, tortures and medical experiments – and upwards of 40% never made it out of some of those schools alive. The legacy of thousands of our children who died as a matter of state law and policy should at least have included a promise to stop stealing our children. Today, we have more than 30,000 Indigenous children in care and growing. The problems have not stopped – they are getting worse.

    The use of small pox blankets on our people to try to kill us off faster has been described by medical doctors as the first example of “biological warfare” during non-war times. Indigenous women and little girls were forcibly sterilized without their knowledge and consent for decades in an effort to stop us from reproducing. The Canadian state does not need to use such blatant policies to reduce our populations anymore – willful neglect has the same lethal effect. Federal, provincial and municipal governments are standing by while our people die. This is not an “Indian problem” – this is a Canadian problem that impacts every single Canadian and our collective future.

    In 2005,  Jordan River Anderson, a little boy from Norway House Cree Nation with many medical issues, died in hospital at 5 years old never having seen his home because the federal and provincial governments couldn’t stop arguing over who would pay. In 2008, Brian Sinclair, a double amputee, whose family had roots in Berens River and Fort Alexander First Nations, died after waiting 34 hours in a hospital waiting room waiting for treatment for a bladder infection – while nearly 200 people passed him by – including staff who wrongly assumed he was “sleeping it off”.

    The former Auditor General for Canada raised the alarms about discriminatory funding and the failure by Indian Affairs to take action on programs that would significantly impact the lives of First Nations. The Office of the Correctional Investigator has called the increasing over-representation of Indigenous peoples a crisis that needs to be addressed. The United Nations Special Rapporteur has made numerous recommendations on how Canada can address this multi-faceted crisis in First Nations. But Canada fails to take action.

    Despite Canada’s failure to act, First Nations continue to try to raise the alarm bells on this lethal situation. A failure to address the chronic underfunding has led to First Nations being 10 times more likely to die in a house fire than Canadians. Indian affairs own report done in 2011 indicated that a minimum of $28 million dollars was needed to prevent deadly fires in Manitoba alone – yet all 633 First Nations in Canada only get $26 million.

    Canada sits back and watches our people die needless deaths while we struggle to heal our families and communities, to rebuild after the theft of our lands and resources and to resist ongoing attempts to assimilate and eliminate us. The herculean effort at the grassroots level to protect our people is made more difficult by state propaganda that would blame us for our own misery, or deflect media attention by vilifying our leaders. Now Bill C-51 will make those of us who speak out against such inhumanity all “terrorists”. Then who will defend this territory?

    The Chief Coroner for Ontario released an especially rare and powerful report in 2011 on the child suicide epidemic in Pikangikum First Nation which had declared a state of emergency – a desperate call for help that went unanswered by Canada. Within a two year period between 2006 and 2008, 16 children between the ages of 10-19 committed suicide. 16 children died – not from accidental car crashes or unpreventable diseases but because the “basic necessities of life are absent” in Pikangikum who struggles to heal and survive amidst the “backdrop of colonialism, racism and social exclusion” and government neglect.

    16 little First Nation children committed suicide because the Canadian state creates and maintains the conditions of life that will either kill them or make them so hopeless they will kill themselves. That’s the UN definition of genocide.

    In the words of the coroner, this “was not a story of capitulation to death, but rather, a story of stamina, endurance, tolerance, and resiliency stretched beyond human limits until finally, they simply could take no more.”

    In what vision of Canada are the ongoing deaths of our people ok? We need Canadians to stand beside First Nations and support us as we defend the health of our lands and waters as well as the rights and freedoms of Canadians. This should not be our burden to bear alone anymore. Help us turn this ship around before we lose any more precious children.

    #StopBillC51 #RacismKills #Genocide #FirstNationsLivesMatter #foodfor7gens #mmiw P. Palmater, Genocide, Indian Policy and legislated Elimination of Indians In Canada (2014) vol.3, no.3, Aboriginal Policy Studies 27-54. http://ejournals.library.ualberta.ca/index.php/aps/article/view/22225/pdf_22 P. Palmater, Stretched Beyond Human Limits: Death by Poverty in First Nations (2011) No.65/66, Can. Rev. of Social Policy 112-127. http://pi.library.yorku.ca/ojs/index.php/crsp/article/viewFile/35220/32057

  • Bill C-51 The Anti-First Nation, Environmentalist, Scientist and Bird-Watcher Act

    Bill C-51 The Anti-First Nation, Environmentalist, Scientist and Bird-Watcher Act

     

    Prime Minister Harper’s Conservative government has introduced Bill C-51 The Anti-Terrorism Act, 2015 which it claims is needed to protect Canadians from terrorism. Experts and commentators have called the bill, which will create a secret police force for Harper: terrifying, illegal, unconstitutional, dictatorial and totalitarianism. In case you don’t know what totalitarianism means, it’s a term usually reserved for fascist (extremist or dictatorial) leaders that lead a centralist government that does not tolerate differences of opinion and tries to exercise dictatorial control over many aspects of public and private life – including thought. Voila: Bill C-51.

     

    The media reports that the Liberals and NDP have all but acquiesced to the bill and will only offer mild resistance in the form of suggested amendments. They may even call for some oversight, but will not challenge the massive violations of Canadian rights, liberties and freedoms which are enshrined in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and constitutionally protected. And this is how it happens. Dictators throughout history have only been able to do what they did to their citizenry because they were permitted to do so. No single man has the power to destroy a country governed by the people for the people – unless the powerful people around the dictator allow it to happen.

    In a world where Canada used to pit environmentalists, scientists, doctors, teachers, and even bird-watchers against First Nations who peacefully defended their lands, Idle No More helped bring us together. As treaty and territorial allies, First Nations and Canadians face a formidable foe and threat to our collective futures. Idle No More raised awareness about the break down in democracy in general and human and Aboriginal rights specifically. Hundreds of thousands of people across Canada rose up against Bill C-45 – the large, unconstitutional omnibus bill pushed through Parliament without debate which threatened our lakes and rivers. This time, the threat is personal – any one of us could go to jail for thinking or voicing our opinions.

     

     

    I originally hesitated to include this chart in my blog, but I think we all need a reminder of the freedoms upon which Canadian democracy rests – for without them, Canada descends into the lethal, dark hole of a deadly, dictatorial police-state.

    CHARTER

    RIGHTS, FREEDOMS or LIBERTIES PROTECTED

    2(a)

    Freedom of conscience and religion

     

    2(b)

    Freedom of thought, belief, opinion, expression

     

    2(c)

    Freedom of peaceful assembly

     

    2(d)

    Freedom of association

     

    6

    Right to enter, remain in and leave Canada

     

    7

    Right to life, liberty and security of the person

     

    8

    Right to be secure against unreasonable search or seizure

     

    9

    Right not to be arbitrarily detained or imprisoned

     

    11(b)

    Everyone charged with an offence: right to be tried in a reasonable time

     

    11(d)

    Everyone charged with an offence: innocent until proven guilty

     

    15

    Everyone is equal before and under the law

     

    25

    Charter can never be interpreted to deny Aboriginal & treaty rights

     

     http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/const/page-15.html

    All of these rights, freedoms and liberties will be suspended with Bill C-51. This bill creates what has been described as Harper’s “Secret Police force” with terrifying expanded powers. The purpose of the bill is to eliminate any “threat to security of Canada” which includes any activity that undermines the sovereignty, security or territorial integrity of Canada. It also includes some of the following:

    –          interference with the administration of justice;

    –          interference with diplomatic relations; –          the economic or financial stability of Canada; –          terrorism; and –          interference with critical infrastructure. .

    http://www.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?Language=E&Mode=1&DocId=6932136

      

    The specific powers granted under the bill greatly expand the powers of CSIS (Canadian Security Intelligence Service) from an organization that collects and analyzes information related to security – to one which can take law enforcement action. They are further empowered to take measures against anything they deem to constitute a threat to Canada – inside or outside of the country. Additional anti-terrorism powers under the bill include:

    –          Materials deemed to be terrorist propaganda can be seized or removed from a website; –          Standards of investigation and arrest will be lowered from proof to suspicion; –          Police may arrest someone if they merely “think” that a terrorist act “may” be carried out; and –          Deny air transportation to anyone who they “suspect” may be engaging in terrorist activity.

    According to security law experts like Craig Forcese and Kent Roach, this new offence of “advocating or promoting terrorism” is not at all clear and Canadians should be extremely concerned about its conflict with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. One of their concerns is that it gives the police “substantial and unusually invasive powers” to be exercised under their own discretion. A significant change from offences against the promotion of hatred, is the fact that anti-terrorism applies to statements made in private and implies extensive wire-tapping. They fear this bill will result in “speech chill” – the fear to exercise our right to free speech.

    http://www.antiterrorlaw.ca./

     

    For First Nations, this completes the circle of criminalizing every aspect of who we are as Mi’kmaw, Maliseet, Mohawk and Cree Nations. When they made it against the law to be a Mi’kmaw person, our population was reduced by 80% for the scalping bounties placed on our heads. When speaking our languages and practicing our culture was considered anti-Canadian, they enacted laws to outlaw our ceremonies and killed upwards of 50% of our children they forced into residential schools. When we refused to die off, they forcibly sterilized our Indigenous women and girls without their knowledge and consent to reduce our populations. Standing by and watching our Indigenous women and girls go murdered and missing was a gross violation of our right to life by the RCMP, provincial police and Canadian governments.

      

    When we survived, Canada made our traditional way of life a criminal act – hunting, fishing, trapping and gathering became criminal or regulatory offences which landed us in jail, resulted in beatings by the RCMP and/or our gear, vehicles and boats were seized. The defense and protection of what little lands we have left resulted in Canada bringing out the RCMP and army to stop our people. When we drummed and danced in Idle No More, we became the targets of illegal monitoring, publicly vilified and categorized as radicals, militants and terrorists. Now, our very voices, our private discussions and even the defense of our sovereignty is now an act of “terrorism”.

     

     

    We warned Canadians, that what happens to First Nations under Harper’s dictatorial regime is just a sign of things to come for Canadians. To Canadians who value their freedoms, the beauty and bounty of our shared lands and waters, and the peaceful right to live the good life as you see fit – everything is about to change. Canadians will, for the first time, be treated like First Nations people – without the protection of their basic rights, freedoms and liberties. Even someone who re-Tweets or reposts a comment made by someone else on Facebook could potentially be captured under this sweeping legislation. Our ideas themselves will now be criminalized. Our private lives and opinions will be invaded, monitored and criminalized. For Canadians, this is a frightening new turn of events that may well override our basic human rights, liberties and freedoms – an end to Canada as a democracy as you’ve known it.

    Our decades long experiences with murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls, Starlight tours and the deaths of our Indigenous men while in police custody, the wrongful shootings of our unarmed peaceful protestors, the over-imprisonment of our Indigenous men and women, and the palpable fear many of us have of law enforcement will be part of the Canadian reality unless we stop this Bill now. We are allies in this territory. First Nations fought alongside Canadians in many wars to protect these lands. We lived up to our treaty obligations to protect you and be your allies. Now it’s time for Canadians to stand up and restore this treaty and allied relationship – and protect our collective rights.

    Canada has violated First Nations’ constitutionally protected Aboriginal and treaty rights and basic human rights for decades. If we do not stand together now, this is what Canadians have to look forward to for their children. Please act to stop Bill C-51 now – before it becomes an act of terrorism to even speak about.

     

     

    #stopBillC51 #rise #standup #idlenomore #INM #mmiw #foodfor7gens

     

     

     

    *pictures linked from Google Images – copyright rests with individual sites.

  • Myth of the Crooked Indians: C-27 First Nations Financial Transparency Act

    Can you think of any Prime Minister, President or World Leader that would withhold food, water, or health care as a bullying tactic to force its citizens into compliance with a new government law, policy or scheme? Can you ever imagine this happening in Canada? I don’t think most of us could. Yet, this is exactly what is happening with Harper’s implementation of the illegal C-27. Minister Valcourt has threatened to cut off funds for food, water and health care if First Nations do not get in line and abide by this new legislation – despite the fact that it was imposed without legal consultation and is now being legally challenged. How many First Nations children will have to die for Harper to sit down and work this out with First Nations? Bill C-27 (formerly C-575) First Nation Financial Transparency Act (FNFTA) is the classic deflection tactic by Harper’s Conservatives to distract Canadians from the extreme poverty in many First Nations and Canada’s role in maintaining those conditions. The solution to chronic underfunding of essential human services like water, food, and housing lay not in more legislation, but in addressing the problem: the underfunding. Presenting accountability legislation as the solution implies that First Nations are the cause of their own poverty – a racist stereotype Harper’s Cons use quite frequently to divide community members from their leaders and Canadians from First Nations.

    This racist stereotype is recycled again and again when Harper is pressed to account for the fourth world conditions in some First Nations. The response always seem to be: “Well, we gave them x million dollars, where did all the money go”? What Harper never tells Canadians is that in giving First Nations x million dollars, that he has given them half of what is needed to provide the specific program or service. Without all the facts, this propaganda serves to distance Canadians from First Nations.

    In the last couple of years, Harper has been hit hard in the media about Canada’s persistent failure to address the basic needs of First Nations. The following high-profile poverty-related crises in First Nations meant that Harper needed some instant damage control and distraction – which he got with C-27:

    – Cindy Blackstock’s discrimination case for inequitable child and family service funding to First    Nations kids in care;

     – Numerous housing, water and suicide crises and states of emergency in individual First Nations; – Auditor General’s numerous findings related to inequitable funding in housing, water and education; – RCMP’s report about over-representation of murdered and missing Indigenous women; and – United Nation’s finding that Canada’s human rights violations leads to “abysmal” poverty in First Nations despite Canada’s enormous wealth;

    The Cons also use third parties, like the Canadian Taxpayers Federation, to advance their racist propaganda and deflect from the real issues. How many times have we heard the phrase “millionaire chiefs” or “exhorbitant salaries”? Yet there has never been a millionaire Chief in the history of Indian Act Chiefs. Canada has failed to show where any Chief ever received a million dollar salary from federal funding.

    But let’s pretend all 633 Chiefs in Canada got million dollar salaries (which they do not). That would mean $633 million dollars a year in salary to Chiefs. The annual budget for First Nation programs and services is approximately $10 billion.  It would be pretty hard to argue that 6% of the budget going to give all Chiefs a million dollar salary would be the actual cause of First Nation poverty.

    We simply can’t have this conversation around accountability without the facts. The facts are this: the average Canadian salary is $46,000/year. The average elected First Nation leaders’ salary is $36,000/year. Yet, there are numerous municipal librarians making $100,000 a year to manage books, while First Nation leaders must manage human lives.

    http://www.afn.ca/uploads/files/accountability/5_-_the_straight_goods_on_first_nation_salaries.pdf

    But why are we even talking about salaries when we should be talking about funding First Nation food, water and housing? That’s because of C-27 FNFTA and all the media hype around an alleged lack of transparency in First Nations. There are critical problems with this legislation which make it both unconstitutional and illegal: (1) it was done without legal consultation, accommodation and consent of First Nations and (2) it’s a direct interference with inherent First Nation jurisdiction;  and (3) it violates their internationally-protected First Nation right to be self-determining.

     http://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/PDF/F-11.66.pdf

    FNFTA states that its purpose is to “enhance the financial accountability and transparency of First Nations” – which presumes, of course, that this is lacking. The Act itself provides that:

    – financial statements must be audited yearly;

    – it must include a schedule of salaries and expenses of Chiefs and Councillors;

    – Canada can publish the information on the Internet; and

    – Copies of the audits must be provided by First Nations to their band members.

    These may seem like harmless provisions, except when you realize that First Nations already have to submit audited financial statements every year, or their funding can be cut off. First Nations band members have always had the right to obtain copies of their First Nation audits – either directly from the First Nation or from Indian Affairs.

    What’s not obvious in this Act or its associated rhetoric, is that First Nations are the most accountable governments on the entire planet! The Auditor General has made very disturbing findings about the level to which First Nations must report on their federal funding – a “burdensome” 60,000 reports a year! That’s over 95+ reports per First Nation every year or one report every 3 days. The Auditor General even found that many of these reports are not even read by federal bureaucrats. So what’s the problem?

    http://www.oag-bvg.gc.ca/internet/English/parl_oag_201106_04_e_35372.html#hd5j

    Enacting FNFTA seems more like an exercise in smearing First Nation leaders, than addressing any real glaring omission in accountability. And, with the Harper government, there is always a hidden gem. While he is turning community members against their leaders and distracting Canadians from the real issue of underfunding, here is what Harper is REALLY doing in this Act:

    – reporting of any salary, income or expenses of Chiefs and Councillors made in the PERSONAL capacity;

    – First Nations must make their audits accessible to the PUBLIC on the Internet for at least 10 years;

    – refusal by a First Nation to comply with any of these provisions means Canada can CUT FUNDING.

    So let’s look at each of these provisions more closely.

    Personal Income:

    Imagine if any political leaders in Canada had to report their personal wealth in addition to the salary of their public office. Prime Minister Harper is the 6th highest paid political leader in the world with a salary of approximately $300k/year. Harper not only makes 7 times what the average Canadian makes, but makes far more than other world leaders with much larger populations and economies.

    https://ca.news.yahoo.com/blogs/canada-politics/stephen-harper-6th-highest-paid-world-leader-study-134621685.html

    But let’s forget about his salary for a minute. What is Prime Ministers and federal politicians had to publicly disclose their PERSONAL wealth? Then we are no longer talking about over-paid Prime Ministers, we are talking about million dollar Prime Ministers. Stephen Harper’s personal wealth has been estimated at $5M. Former Prime Minister Paul Martin is in the hundreds of millions. Why the double standard?  Why did so many federal MPs refuse to disclose their own expenses? I agree there is an issue of accountability in Canada, but it’s with the federal government, and not First Nations.

    Public Access:

    The other issue is about accountability and to whom? This act makes First Nations accountable to the Minister first, the Canadian public second, and lastly to their band members. This Act does nothing to improve accountability of leaders generally to their membership. In fact, band members will not get any information that they were not entitled to previously. What is new is that the Canadian public has a NEW right to access that information. One has to wonder why that is the case. Canadians don’t participate in First Nation governments, they don’t vote for the leaders, and they certainly don’t pay for their programs and services – despite that persistent myth.

    There is no reason for Canadians to have access to this information – especially any information related to First Nation PERSONAL financial information. Some lawyers have even argued that this Act creates not only a double and higher standard on First Nations than on Canadian politicians; but also violates their legal privacy rights. There is simply no need for this piece of the legislation.

    Cutting Funding:

    Here is the real issue. Harper’s bully government has been meticulous in designing heavy-handed, paternalistic legislation with extreme-force compliance mechanisms built in and FNFTA is no exception. If First Nation do not or cannot comply, they can have all of their funding cut. We are not talking about funding for Ottawa-type expenditures like summer tulips, Canada Day fireworks, or international trips – we are talking essential human services like food, water, heat and housing. As temperatures reach -40 degrees in the north right now, this could be disastrous.

    http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/first-nations-to-resist-complying-with-financial-transparency-act-1.2849517?cmp=rss

    Many Idle No More grassroots citizens, Indigenous lawyers, academics, activists and leaders have come out against this legislation – not because any of us are against the general principle of open, accountable and transparent governments, but because Canada has no right to interfere in the governance of our Nations for any reason. We have never surrendered our sovereignty or right to govern ourselves. In 1997, Canada even recognized as a matter of policy, that our right to be self-governing is constitutionally protected.

    I know there have been some bad individual leaders during our time.  I know that some individual communities struggle with internal leadership issues. But that’s not all our communities.

    I also know that we have all suffered many generations of colonization, inter-generational trauma from residential schools, and the impossible choices forced upon our leaders in managing extreme poverty.

    We have so many problems because of the systemic racism, assimilatory government policies, chronic underfunding, failure to implement our treaty and Aboriginal rights; lack of access and control over our lands and resources; and federally-imposed laws which tell us how to govern.

    One bad leader does not justify calling in the colonizer to further control our communities. Our Nations thrived here since time immemorial and our Nations will continue for many more millennia. We can survive and heal from colonization, just as we can get past any one bad leader. We simply can’t let Harper’s racist propaganda divide us. He wants community members to invite him in to control their communities – but once he’s in, it will be difficult, if not impossible, to get him back out.

    Say no to FNFTA and stand with those First Nations who are resisting its illegal imposition on our communities.

    http://indigenousnationhood.blogspot.ca/2010/10/bill-c-575-first-nations-financial.html

    #rise   #idlenomore   #warriorup   #sovereignty   #No2FNFTA

  • Lynn Gehl v. Canada: Unstated Paternity and Indian Status

    Lynn Gehl v. Canada: Unstated Paternity and Indian Status

    Dr. Lynn Gehl is a First Nations woman who is grounded in the traditional Indigenous knowledge of her Algonquin Anishinaabe culture and tradition. Gehl’s family originates from the Algonquins of Pikwakanagan (formerly Golden Lake Band) in Ontario. Yet, despite her connection to her culture, her Algonquin upbringing, and her ancestral ties to her First Nation, Gehl is denied legal recognition as an “Indian” by the federal government.

    But just like Mary Two-Axe Early, Jeanette Corbiere-Lavell, Yvonne Bédard, Sandra Lovelace and Sharon McIvor before her, Gehl is not taking no for an answer. After more than twenty years of applications, protests and appeals, Gehl is headed to court.

    Mary, Jeannette, Yvonne, Sandra, Sharon

    (lynngehl.com and Google Images)

    Mary Two-Axe was a well-known advocate who challenged Canada’s discriminatory Indian Act which took Indian status away from Indian women if they married a non-Indian. Jeanette-Corbiere Lavell and Yvonne Bédard took Canada all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada to challenge these marrying-out provisions and lost. This gave Sandra Lovelace the opportunity to go straight to the United Nations and argue her case and win. The United Nations decided that Canada cannot enact legislation that denies Indian women and their children the right to enjoy their culture together with their communities. However, the Bill C-31 amendments, while reinstating some Indian women, still discriminated against many others. Sharon McIvor dedicated 25 years to the court system to challenge this residual discrimination. She also won, but the court left it up to Canada to amend the Act. This resulted in Bill C-3, which remedied some of the discrimination for Indian women, but added more discriminatory provisions to the Act, which forced McIvor to take her case to the United Nations as well. While we wait for the decision in that case, Lynn Gehl has put in over 20 years trying to seek justice for Indian women and their children in terms of unstated paternity.

    Today (Monday, October 20th) Gehl and her legal counsel, Christa Big Canoe from Aboriginal Legal Services Toronto, will appear before the Ontario Superior Court to argue that the Indian Act rules around who is an “Indian” are discriminatory on the basis of race, marital status and/or gender. The Indian Act, and the means by which the federal government applies the act to Indian children whose fathers are unknown, results in them receiving a lesser form of Indian status, or no status at all.  Gehl’s case focuses on what is known as unknown or unstated paternity – Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada’s (AANDC) policy to automatically presume that an unknown or unstated father is a non-Indian – even if the father is, in fact, an Indian. Unstated or unknown paternity manifests in a variety of ways. For example, AANDC will unilaterally determine that the father is non-Indian if:

    –          an Indian mother does not know the name of the father;

    –          the father refuses to acknowledge paternity of the child;

    –          the father refuses to sign the birth certificate and/or  Indian registration form;

    –      the mother does not have the money to complete and file all vital statistics forms; there may be difficulty meeting time-lines for remote First Nations women who must fly into hospitals to have children;

    –          the underage mothers may have privacy concerns related to paternity in smaller communities; and/or

    –          an Indian mother refuses to name the father (due to incest, rape, domestic violence).

    AANDC is not legally required to process applications with the presumption that an unstated father is a non-Indian. This is a clear policy choice made by AANDC to reduce the number of Indians over time. Prior to 1985, there was a legal presumption of Indian paternity for unwed mothers – there was no mad dash to try to scam the system and register non-entitled children. Thus, there is no reason why AANDC cannot presume Indian paternity in the absence of documentation. At the end of the day, the child is born to, will live with and be raised by his/her Indian mother, family and community. However, such a policy does not correspond to Canada’s ultimate objective regarding Indians. AANDC’s policy objective has always been “the final solution of the Indian problem” i.e., to ensure “there is not a single Indian in Canada”. In fact, Canada is the last remaining country to determine who is an Indigenous person based on racial characteristics (descent through male blood). It is a racist formulation based on outdated views about biological characteristics of “races” and debunk sciences like eugenics and phrenology which sought to eliminate “undesirable” human populations.AANDC is the federal government department which created the rules to determine who can be registered as an Indian (status). Indian status confers not only program benefits like education and health care, but also determines who can be a band member; live on the reserve; vote or run for office in a First Nation; and often who is and is not a treaty beneficiary. Just like Canadian citizenship determines whether or not a Canadian can access education and health services from their province, Indian status determines eligibility on the federal side. So, its not that Indians get anything “more” from status in terms of programs, its just the source of the benefits.AANDC has done an incredible job of misinforming Canadians about the impacts of registering Indians. They often make comments about “floodgates” (i.e. everyone will become an Indian) and “costs” (this will be burden on taxpayers). The truth is, in terms of registrations, it would not have a significant impact.. While the Bill C-31 population projections (Indian women being reinstated to Indian status) ranged from 20-40% increase, the projected increases for unstated paternity are relatively small – approximately 2%. This does not substantiate the fear-mongering around population increases. Similarly, if the only concern here is money – there is no increased burden on taxpayers. For every person that is registered as an Indian they will get less money for education, health care, housing, food, water, and less child and family services. Status Indians are the most impoverished people in Canada. Plus, its the wealth from Indigenous lands and resources that pay for our programs and services and also subsidizes the programs and services of Canadians – not the other way around. Therefore, there is no financial argument to made against affording equality to Indian women and their children.This federal policy purposefully, systematically and disproportionately impacts Indigenous women who are most often the primary caregivers of their children and statistically more likely to live in poverty. This is especially true of young, teenage Indigenous mothers – 80% of whom were found to live in households making less than $15,000 a year. These mothers, often lone parents, depend on the federal programs and services associated with Indian status to care for their children.

    Gehl is relying on section 15(1) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms which guarantees equal benefit of the law without discrimination based. While section 6 of Act may on its face, appear to apply equally to Indian men and women, in reality, AANDC interprets and implements it in a gender-biased manner, which has a substantial and disproportionate impact on Indian women and their children whose paternity is unknown. The fact that AANDC interprets the Act so as to prejudice the descendants of unwed Indian women discriminates against them on the basis of marital status as well.

    Section 6 is a modern manifestation of historical discriminatory views of Indian women based on race, gender and marital status that should have been repealed decades ago.

    Gehl, who has five continuous generations of Indian lineage on her paternal side, will argue that she should be registered as an Indian. She will also seek a declaration from the court that Section 6 of the Indian Act:

    (1)   Discriminates against applicants born out of wedlock;

    (2)   Discriminates against applicants who do not know their paternity; and

    (3)   Be applied so as not to disadvantage the descendants of individuals whose paternity is unknown.

    Other recommendations for change from Indigenous women have included:

    –           Amend the Act to permit registration based on one parent’s registration;

    –           AANDC should discontinue its discriminatory interpretation and implementation of the registration provisions;

    –           AANDC should specifically eliminate the unstated paternity policy;

    –           Remove administrative and financial barriers to timely and accurate birth registrations;

    –           Provide legal and social protections to young mothers to protect their rights to privacy, personal safety and registration of their children.

    Gehl, like Sandra Lovelace and Sharon McIvor have spent decades in the courts fighting for their right to belong. It’s time Canada afforded equality to all people – including Indigenous women. Selection of sources on Unstated Paternity:

    Lynn Gehl personal website

    http://www.lynngehl.com/

    P. Palmater, Beyond Blood: Rethinking Indigenous Identity (Saskatoon: Purich Publishing, 2011).

    http://www.chapters.indigo.ca/books/beyond-blood-rethinking-indigenous-identity/9781895830606-item.html?ikwid=beyond+blood&ikwsec=Home&ikwidx=0

    M. Mann, Indian Registration: Unrecognized and Unstated Paternity (2013)

    http://apr.thompsonbooks.com/vols/APR_Vol_5Ch6.pdf

    M. Mann, Disproportionate and Unjustifiable: Teen First Nations Mothers and Unstated Paternity Policy (2013)

    http://apr.thompsonbooks.com/vols/APR_Vol_9Ch12.pdf

    L. Gehl, Indian Rights for Indian Babies: Canada’s “Unstated Paternity Policy” (2013)

    http://journals.sfu.ca/fpcfr/index.php/FPCFR/article/view/187

    National Aboriginal Women’s Association, Aboriginal Women and Unstated Paternity (2007)

    http://www.laa.gov.nl.ca/laa/naws/pdf/nwac-paternity.pdf

    S. Clatworthy, Indian and Northern Affairs Canada, Factors Contributing to Unstated Paternity (2003)

    http://www.canadiancrc.com/PDFs/Unstated_Paternity_First_Nations-Canada_Birth_Registrations_en.pdf

  • Laurie River Lodge Adventures: Watch Out for Animals and Indians?

    It is hard to believe that in 2014, there are still businesses who provide services to the public that have no problem profiting from the lands, resources and traditional knowledges of Indigenous peoples, but who, at the same time, spread racism and hatred against us. Laurie River Lodge, an outdoor adventure business located in northern Manitoba and owned by Brent and Erin Fleck, is one such company. Laurie River Lodge has a website which includes a link to a promotional brochure which explains what clients can expect when they purchase an adventure with their lodge. Their website is: http://www.laurieriverlodge.com/index.php And their brochure can be found under the Heading “Outpost Plan” at the following link: http://www.laurieriverlodge.com/downloads/2014/2014_trip_planning_guide.pdf On the same page that the Lodge warns its customers about animals, it provides a warning about its Cree Indian guides. The offending comments can be found on page 10, under the section entitled “Section 1-9 What You Can Expect From Us”:

    We take great care when hiring our staff; however the subject of Native Guides must be touched upon. We use Cree Indian guides from the town of Pukatawagon in northern Manitoba. They are wonderful people and fun to fish with however, like all Native North Americans, they have a basic intolerance for alcohol. Please do not give my guides alcohol under any circumstances. This is rarely a problem and by telling you in advance I hope to avoid it altogether.

    The Lodge is speaking about the band members of Mathias Colomb Cree Nation (MCCN) whose primary reserve is located in Pukatawagan in northern Manitoba. They apparently use MCCN band members as guides for their business. It is also noteworthy that this business uses the lands and resources contained within MCCN’s traditional, treaty and reserve lands as well as their trap-lines. Band members were so upset by these racist remarks that they contacted Chief Arlen Dumas and asked that he look into this and he responded immediately by sending out a letter to the Lodge owners. Chief Dumas explained that he was “appauled” to see that this business profits from his Nation’s lands, resources and people to ensure a profit for the owners, but at the same time promotes racist stereotypes against the very people they use to make a profit: Cree guides. Chief Dumas explains: Not only did you single out the band members from our reserve in Pukatawagan, but your brochure presented an ominous or threatening tone by stating and/or implying that: (1)  Our Cree people have a genetic and/or biological intolerance for alcohol due to their race; (2)  You warned the public against giving our members any alcohol due to this intolerance, one can only presume you meant that some sort of harm would come to the public; and (3)  That while rare, this “problem” does occur and the public needs to avoid it. None of the above statements or implications about our people are true. The comments are racist and negative stereotypes which only serve to promote or incite hatred against our people. There is no scientific basis for your claim that Cree people have an intolerance for alcohol, nor is there any basis for alleging that our Cree people would drink while working or that the pose a risk to the public. As a result of such discriminatory remarks, Chief Dumas demanded that the remarks be removed from the website; a public apology be offered to all Cree and First Nation people; personal letters of apology be sent to all their Cree employees; and that they make amends to MCCN.

    He concluded the letter by stating that if the Lodge owners refuse to address the issue, he would “have no choice but to take further steps to protect my band members from your racist, discriminatory incitement of hatred.”Chief Dumas is right to be upset about these public comments. It is not just a matter of taking offense to insulting words, this Lodge potentially faces a discrimination complaint, a civil suit and very bad publicity for their business. The Manitoba Human Rights Code (provincial law) provides that Manitobans recognize that “to protect this right it is necessary to restrict unreasonable discrimination against individuals, including discrimination based on stereotypes or generalizations about groups with whom they are or are thought to be associated, and to ensure that reasonable accommodation is made for those with special needs” and such discrimination is prohibited. The Criminal Code (federal law) under section 319 makes the public incitement of hatred against a particular group, like the Cree people a criminal offense. The Charter of Rights and Freedoms (constitutional law) also provides that: 15. (1) Every individual is equal before and under the law and has the right to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination and, in particular, without discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability”. Even international law protects people from racism and discrimination. If morals could not guide these business owners, certainly they have an obligation to follow the law. It is no wonder why discrimination against Indigenous peoples has not subsided, given openly racist attitudes like this. One would have thought the days of warning people against animals and Indians were over.

  • Dramatic Contradictions: 2014 Report of the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Peoples

    The United Nations Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples in Canada James Anaya released his advanced, unedited report on “The Situation of Indigenous Peoples in Canada”. The Rapporteur based his report on research, various sources, a visit to Canada in October 7-15, 2013, meetings with federal and provincial government officials, and meetings, visits with and submissions from Indigenous peoples.  

    http://unsr.jamesanaya.org/docs/countries/2014-report-canada-a-hrc-27-52-add-2-en-auversion.pdf

    There is a disturbing underlying theme in the report – one which speaks of “dramatic contradictions”:

    (1)   The continued “abysmal” social conditions in First Nations in the context of increasing wealth and prosperity in Canada; and

    (2)   The numerous laws and protections for First Nation rights versus the many human rights violations committed against First Nations.

    Anaya noted that while some First Nations have risen up against these injustices with the Idle No More movement, others are starting to give up attempts to resolve their claims. Anaya concluded that the relationship between Canada and First Nations has become much worse since the last visit to Canada in 2003. It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to figure out that this is during Prime Minister Harper’s term.

    Abysmal Social Conditions in First Nations

    Anaya’s most serious concerns relate to the “striking” statistics related to the poverty in many First Nations. Of the bottom 100 communities in Canada – 96 are First Nations. “The most jarring manifestation of these human rights problems in the distressing socio-economic conditions of indigenous peoples in a highly developed country.” 

    http://pi.library.yorku.ca/ojs/index.php/crsp/article/viewFile/35220/32057

    He found that there has been no improvement in the gap between First Nations and Canadians in terms of housing, health care, education, welfare and social services. Given the significant needs of First Nations, Anaya had expected that the cost of social services would have been higher and was shocked to find that it was lower. He cited Canada’s own Auditor General who pointed out that the failure to address poverty on reserve is due to the lack of appropriate funding from the federal government.

    This led Anaya to conclude: “One of the most dramatic contradictions indigenous peoples in Canada face is that so many live in abysmal conditions on traditional territories that are full of valuable and plentiful natural resources.”

    Canada’s Immense Wealth and Prosperity

    It’s not like there isn’t enough money to go around. Canada is one of the wealthiest countries in the world because of the lands and resources which belong to Indigenous peoples. The mining industry alone brought in $44 billion in 2013.

    http://www.nrcan.gc.ca/node/15983

    That figure doesn’t include the hundreds of billions in other natural resources that come straight from Indigenous lands. Anaya noted that while governments and private interests are the ones that profit from resources on Indigenous lands, it’s the Indigenous peoples who suffer all the negative consequences in health, economy and culture that comes with the resulting environmental degradation.

    This situation is not just an unfortunate, but inevitable consequence of western “progress” – it’s a calculated policy choice to impoverish First Nations for the benefit of others. Anaya notes that Canada’s consistent failure to consult with First Nations, take unilateral actions against their rights and portray them in negative light to the public is an “affront” to Canada-First Nation relations. Anaya explains that the federal public discourse on First Nation rights is presented as a burden to tax-payers instead of educating Canadians about the “vast economic benefit” they receive from First Nations. Harper’s continued negative comments against First Nations risks “social peace”.

    First Nations could be completely self-sufficient economically if they controlled only a fraction of their lands and resources. Yet, in pursuit of maximized profit, Canada continues to ignore the legal rights and interests of First Nations. Canada (both federal and provincial governments) maintain their legal and physical blockades against First Nations to prevent them from accessing and benefitting from their own lands and resources. Anaya notes that despite the fact that treaties are constitutionally protected and allows Canadians to enjoy immense wealth, 30% of Justice Canada litigation is fighting treaties. Canada uses all of it power – its laws, policies and programs to maintain First Nations in poverty, while partnering with private interests to maximize government and corporate profits.

    Legal Protections vs. Violations

    Part of the dramatic contradiction which is so striking to outside observers. As noted by Anaya: “It is difficult to reconcile Canada’s well-developed legal framework and general prosperity with the human rights problems faced by indigenous peoples in Canada that have reached crisis proportions in many respects.” Canada presents a façade of human rights but commits numerous violations against Indigenous peoples – with apparent impunity. Although Anaya did not do a complete accounting of which laws and violations, he noted several human rights violations that have received “insufficient” attention by governments including the well-being gap, housing crisis, murdered and missing women, over-representation in Justice system, gender discrimination in Indian status, and lack of education to name a few.

    *Legal Protection

    Human Rights Violation

    Constitution Act – s.35 – Inherent Right to be Self-Governing

     

     

    Indian Act’s Ministerial control over every aspect of First Nations’ lives

     

    Legislative suite which protects Ministerial control – Water, elections, education, matrimonial real property, transparency acts

     

    Must extinguish rights to negotiate self-government agreements/claims

    Constitution Act – s.35 – protect Aboriginal and treaty rights

     

    Duty to consult and accommodate

     

    Free, informed and prior consent

    Federal and provincial governments (with court’s approval) allow agriculture, forestry, mining, hydroelectric power, general economic development, protection of environment or endangered species, building of infrastructure and settlement of foreign populations to trump constitutionally protected rights

    Charter of Rights and Freedoms  – s.15 Equality rights & non-discrimination

     

    Canadian Human Rights Act – non-discrimination

     

    Various provincial human rights acts – non-discrimination

    Indian Act’s discriminatory treatment of Indian women and descendants

     

    Failure to address disproportionate number of murdered and missing Indigenous women

     

    Over-representation of Indigenous peoples in jail & Indigenous children in state custody

     

    Discriminatory/less funding for child welfare

     

    Discriminatory/less funding for education

     

    Unsafe or no drinking water

    Criminal Code – s.319 hate speech

    Media, teachers, writers, MPs, Ministers, RCMP, provincial police forces, PM make racist and discriminatory remarks and portrayals of First Nations

    Criminal  Code – s.271 sexual assault

     

    s.267 assault with weapon or causing bodily harm

     

    s.279 unlawful confinement

     

    s.215 failure to provide necessaries of life

    RCMP and provincial police taking Indigenous men on “Starlight” tours

     

    RCMP,  provincial police and/or judges sexually assaulting and raping Indigenous women and girls

     

    Deaths while in child welfare – state care

    *This table represents my own observations of laws vs. rights violations in Canada.

    Conclusions and Recommendations:

    Anaya concluded that Canada could address these human rights violations if it wanted to do so. Let’s hope Canadian officials take a good hard look at Anaya’s observations and recommendations and take the necessary action to end these human rights violations against Indigenous peoples. A highlight of some of Anaya’s key recommendations:

    – Sufficient funding for education, health, and child welfare; – Focus on Indigenous-run social and judicial services;

    – Urgent, increased funding to address the housing crisis;

    – Enhance education, funding and consult on any proposed legislation;

    – Comprehensive, nation-wide inquiry into murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls;

    – Consent for all laws impacting Indigenous peoples;

    – Address gender discrimination in the Indian Act;

     – No resource development without free, informed and prior consent of Indigenous peoples; and

     – Maximize Indigenous control and benefit from any extractive operations on Indigenous lands.

     

    “Indigenous peoples concerns merit higher priority at all levels and within all branches of Governments, and across all departments.”

  • Déja Vu: RCMP Report on Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women

    After much prodding by the media, and the Harper government’s (Minister of Public Safety) review and approval, the RCMP finally released their report on murdered and missing Indigenous women. Although slated for a March release, in typical Conservative style, the much-delayed report was released on a Friday before the Victoria Day long weekend. The report not only confirmed the over-representation of Indigenous women as murdered and missing in Canada, but the figure of 1181 was nearly double the 600+ figure originally reported by the Native Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC). http://www.rcmp-grc.gc.ca/pubs/mmaw-faapd-eng.htm Indigenous women suffer a victimization rate three times higher than the Canadian population and are grossly over-represented in the number of women that go murdered and missing. While homicides have declined for Canadian women, the same cannot be said for Indigenous women. Indigenous women make up 4% of the population in Canada but 11% of the missing women and 16% of the murdered women. While these numbers are high, the levels in the western provinces and northern territories are frightening. The number of murdered Indigenous women in Manitoba is 49% and in Saskatchewan its 55%.

    On the positive side, the RCMP finally turned their investigative minds to this serious issue. Because the reality is, if the RCMP can’t be motivated to look into this crisis, there is little chance in getting their assistance in addressing it. We also now have additional statistics that the show that the problem is worse than originally thought which one would hope would spur the RCMP and others into emergency action. Further, it was important that the RCMP recognized that more than a police response will be needed to address this crisis and that all of the socio-economic issues must also be addressed.

    That’s the extent to which I can be positive about this report. For the most part, this report just recycled information we already knew. We already knew the over-representation of Indigenous women and girls in murdered, missing and victimization rates, as well as the socio-economic conditions which make Indigenous women and girls vulnerable. Secondly, this report suffers from a glaring omission – an analysis of the RCMP’s role in this crisis. While there are many good men and women in the RCMP who believe in justice, those who do not, need to be exposed. Finally, if this report is any indication of an RCMP “action plan” – very little is going to change. If we can’t get real about the root causes of this crisis, we’ll still be talking about this in ten years.

    In 1989, the Report of the Royal Commission on the Donald Marshall Jr., Prosecution concluded that Marshall had been wrongfully convicted of murder and spent years in jail simply because he was Mi’kmaw. “The criminal justice system failed Donald Marshall Jr., at virtually every turn from his arrest and wrongful conviction for murder in 1971 up to, and even beyond, his acquittal.” The report went further to investigate how prominent “White” people were treated with Mi’kmaw people when accused of crimes. It concluded that the RCMP would not pursue investigations of prominent “White” people despite the evidence which showed an “undue and improper sensitivity to the status of the person being investigated” and made “the ideal of justice for all meaningless”. http://www.novascotia.ca/just/marshall_inquiry/_docs/Royal%20Commission%20on%20the%20Donald%20Marshall%20Jr%20Prosecution_findings.pdf

    The 1991 Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba looking into the murder of Helen Betty Osborne also concluded that despite the fact that it is well-known that Aboriginal women and girls suffer extreme rates of violence, the Justice system does not protect them. In the case of Osborne, the RCMP treated the Indigenous witnesses brutally in comparison to how they treated the “white” accused.

    http://www.ajic.mb.ca/volume.html

    Just in case the RCMP forgot that there was an issue in need of attention, the United Nations Rapporteur rang the alarm in 2004 when he concluded that the over 500 murdered and missing Indigenous women in Canada had been neglected for far too long by Canada. Again in 2010, NWAC brought the issue to the public eye by releasing their research which showed there were at least 600+ murdered and missing and stated that the numbers of Indigenous women and girls that are murdered while in police custody, prisons or child welfare authorities also needed to be investigated. http://daccess-dds-ny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G05/100/26/PDF/G0510026.pdf?OpenElement

    Twenty years after Helen Betty Osborne’s death, a serial killer named Robert Pickton was able to kidnap and murder Indigenous and non-Indigenous women with little fear of getting caught. Why? According to Forsaken: The Report of the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry, Pickton was able to prey at will due to “critical police failures” to take reports of missing women, follow up and investigate thoroughly or in a timely way. Issues of racism, systemic bias and victim-blaming were all noted in the report. http://www.ag.gov.bc.ca/public_inquiries/docs/Forsaken-ES.pdf

    The most disturbing of all reports is the 2013 report entitled Those Who Take Us Away: Abusive Policing and Failures in Protection of Indigenous Women and Girls in Northern British Colombia prepared by Human Rights Watch. This report concluded that Indigenous women and girls are not only “under-protected” by the RCMP but are in fact the objects of RCMP abuse. They highlighted the many allegations of RCMP officers sexually exploiting and abusing young Indigenous girls.. There are reports of confinement, rape, and sexual assault on Indigenous girls and some have led to law suits. They also reported on a class action law suit against the RCMP by its own female officers for sexual harassment and gender discrimination. http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/canada0213webwcover.pdf

    While the government and RCMP have, at times, tried to blame the victims for their own circumstances, it seems very clear that a large part of the problem is government and RCMP’s racist and sexist attitudes towards Indigenous women and girls. In addition to Canada’s discriminatory laws and policies against Indigenous peoples generally, and women specifically, the Human Rights Watch group even reports on an example of the judiciary being involved in the abuse against these girls. David Ramsay, a provincial court judge, was accused of sexually assaulting and violently abusing girls between 12 and 17 and eventually plead guilty. How are Indigenous women and girls supposed to get justice if the Justice system participates in the abuse and rape of these women? http://www.canada.com/theprovince/news/story.html?id=b8a2e53c-5753-496e-a032-765fef4a0e5d

    One of the biggest impediments to moving forward is the continued failure of the federal government to have the RCMP investigated to determine the full extent to which racism against Indigenous people and sexism against women in general hamper their work. Harper’s own discriminatory attitude towards Indigenous peoples is a significant barrier to moving forward. Even the most recent United Nations report from the Rapporteur commented on how poor the relationship is between Canada and Indigenous peoples and has become worse since the last visit to Canada in 2003. The United Nations is not alone in its observation of deteriorating government relations – the Bertelsmann Foundation is the latest to note that Canada’s record on governance has declined under Harper, especially when it comes to Indigenous peoples. The UN further stated that Canada’s negative public comments about Indigenous peoples risks social peace. http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Issues/IPeoples/SR/A.HRC.27.52.Add.2-MissionCanada_AUV.pdf

    We need a comprehensive emergency plan to prevent any more murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls. Multiple groups need to be brought together including (but not limited to) the RCMP, federal and provincial governments and police forces, Indigenous peoples, and experts to develop a plan of action. This plan should include many of the recommendations already noted in the commissions and enquiries outlined above (and won’t be repeated here). Addressing the chronic underfunding of basic human services like housing, water, food, and education is critical to addressing federally-maintained poverty which puts women and girls (and men) in vulnerable positions.

    It is important to ensure that at the same time as the emergency action plan is being carried out, that a proper comprehensive investigation of the RCMP for any role it may have had in physically abusing, confining, raping, sexually assaulting and/or causing Indigenous women or girls to go murdered or missing is critical. This investigation should include an analysis of how many times they failed to file reports, do investigations or follow up as per their standards and procedures. The RCMP and other police forces must be accountable for their actions with a view to ending this crisis. Otherwise, little has changed from the days when the RCMP would drag our children back to residential schools and ignore their complaints of abuse in the schools.

    Instead of letting another 10 years go by talking about murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls, Canada needs to take immediate emergency action on this crisis.

     

    Instead of Canada spending so much money surveillance of Indigenous advocates who are trying to protect Indigenous families, it could use that money towards adequate housing, shelters and supports for Indigenous women and girls.

     

    Instead of spending multi-millions to keep Indigenous peoples in prisons, Canada could use that funding to pay for k-12 and post-secondary education.

    Instead of spending millions on litigation to deny treaty rights, land claims and access to natural resources, Canada could spend those funds to support Indigenous peoples access their lands and resources to support self-sufficient Nations.

    Instead of trying to assimilate Indians , Canada needs to accept that we are here to stay and work together for our mutual benefit as envisioned by the treaties.

     

    Instead of allowing those who view Indigenous women and girls as worthless to dictate their fate, we need to recognize these women and girls are the future of our Nations and protect our life-givers.  

  • Harper’s Shell Game: Bill C-33 is on “Hold” – not Dead

    Today, only 3 days after Assembly of First Nations (AFN) National Chief Shawn Atleo resigned, Prime Minister Harper’s Conservative government has made its move. Contrary to Harper’s usual backroom politics and secret meetings with the National Chief, Harper has switched it up. He has decided to play this political game out in the open for all to see. Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada (AANDC) Minister Bernard Valcourt offered a statement to the press today saying that it will put consideration of Bill C-33 First Nation Control of First Nation Education Act on hold until the AFN clarifies their position.

    “With the support of the Assembly of First Nations, our Government introduced historic legislation, the First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act (Bill C-33) in April. However, given the recent resignation of the National Chief, following today’s second reading vote, any further consideration of this legislation will be put on hold until the AFN clarifies its position.

    Our Government firmly believes that First Nations students deserve a quality education, like every other Canadian.

    The First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act provides the structures and supports necessary to help First Nations students reach their potential and become full participants in the Canadian economy. It would entrench in law the five conditions for success identified by the Chiefs in Assembly last December.”

    This is a very calculated move on the part of Harper’s government which serves a three-fold purpose. Firstly, this move serves as an indication to the AFN that Harper will give it another chance to get back in line. The carrot being offered is the promised funding attached to the bill (post-conservative-election funding). If the AFN confirms their support of the bill, they’ll all kiss, make up and move on as they were pre-Atleo. Atleo’s resignation would go down as a minor hiccup for Harper.

    Secondly, this move could serve to cause internal chaos at AFN. Harper is essentially casting his line to see which member of the AFN executive will take the bait – i.e., who will step up to replace Atleo and maintain the status quo relationship between the AFN and Harper government. Saskatchewan Regional Chief Perry Bellegarde has been front and centre in the media supporting the Atleo-Harper education deal – at least until Atleo’s resignation. Then, there’s always New Brunswick Regional Chief Roger Augustine, who recently wrote an open letter trying to convince Chiefs to support Bill C-33 – so maybe it will be him? It’s hard to say at this point.

    However either of these two scenarios turn out – they both miss the point. It simply doesn’t matter if the AFN Executive jointly issue a statement clarifying their support for the bill, or one of the Executive is appointed as interim National Chief and supports the bill. The AFN has no legal or political authority to allow, approve or in any way provide permission for this bill to proceed through the legislative process. At the risk of sounding like a broken record, the AFN is not a rights-holder – it is an advocacy organization. To those with Aboriginal, treaty and inherent rights to education, it doesn’t matter what the AFN says, except in so far as the AFN has the power to negatively impact our struggle to preserve those rights. We are the rights holders and we are the only ones who can decide. Our strong opposition to this bill is what’s really scaring Harper and motivating this move.

    Finally, and perhaps most ironically, what this recent move by the federal government does is focus attention away from the education bill and place it back on the AFN. Harper is hoping to reduce the building momentum against this bill by directing our attention to the AFN. Many people are now waiting to see what the AFN will say. The media is fixated on the AFN election and who the candidates might be. Some have even commented that AANDC’s announcement to put the bill on hold is a sort of victory.

    But perhaps that’s the idea? Maybe in putting this legislation “on hold” Harper hopes this will be enough to snuff out the fire that has been lit in our communities to defeat this bill?  Keep in mind, First Nation leaders and citizens, together with Canadians, have organized major rallies for May 14 in Ottawa to voice their opposition to this bill. Maybe Harper is hoping we’ll see no need to rally, now that the bill is on hold – but they’d be wrong. We have to use every single day to our advantage to oppose this bill.

    Bill C-33 is still in Parliament, still in Senate pre-study (though on hold) and could be re-animated and rammed through Parliament at a moment’s notice. We have to maintain our focus on killing this bill and worrying about the AFN later. We need to ensure that our voices are heard and that we do everything we can to ensure this bill does not pass. We all want to change the status quo and address the crisis in First Nation education – but giving up control over our education to the Minister is not the way to do that.

    AANDC could start addressing the crisis by providing fair funding and addressing the cumulative deficit in education. AANDC could literally address the chronic underfunding TODAY. It’s a choice they make – against every study, domestic and international law, our treaties and even economic recommendations – not to do so. Look at the lengths Canada will go to in order to defer, deflect and deny the problem of purposeful, chronic underfunding of First Nation education. All of these many decades of studies, reports, and meetings, followed by more studies, reports and meetings are meant to delay the inevitable conclusion – First Nation education must be funded.

    But if Harper has his way – this bill will pass and so too will our chance to protect our future generations from Harper’s assimilation plans.

    We have to stay focused. We have the power to defeat this bill. Hopefully, AFN will have learned from all of this and stand behind the people. But, either way, as sovereign Nations, we have to stand up and defend our sovereignty and jurisdiction over the education of our children and give them hope for their future.

    #KillBillC33

    #StayUnited against #FNCFNEA

    #May14 in Ottawa!!!

  • No Compromise on First Nation Control of First Nation Education: Response to Regional Chief Augustine

    Our unity on First Nation control of First Nation education has been broken by one of our own representative organizations: the Assembly of First Nations. While most of the attention has focused on Atleo, and his recent surprise resignation, we can’t forget that some of the Regional Chiefs have allowed this to happen. http://www.mediaindigena.com/dan-david/issues-and-politics/atleos-last-historic-moment Recently, Regional Chief Augustine issued an open letter in the Globe and Mail arguing that Chiefs should be supporting Bill C-33 – First Nation Control of First Nation Education Act. In his letter to the Globe and Mail he publicly insulted chiefs by saying if they don’t support this legislation, they clearly don’t understand it. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/globe-debate/as-first-nations-leaders-we-should-support-new-education-act/article18388152/ Regional Chief Augustine, against the majority of Chiefs across the country, seems to think he can belittle Chiefs into supporting Bill C-33. He says he has lost patience with them, accuses them of having not read the bill; and implies they are not experts enough in education, or they would see how this bill will save the Indians. Further, he implies that if he and Atleo disagree with dissenting Chiefs, his and Atleo’s views should reign.

    Yet, Augustine does not point to a single provision of the Act that is an improvement for First Nation education, nor does he show how this Act will improve outcomes for our children. He simply mimics the AANDC Minister’s speaking points and tries to scare Chiefs by presenting them with a false choice: Bill C-33 or the Minister’s many scary powers over education in the Indian Act.

     

    This sort of uninformed rhetoric does more to harm to Augustine’s position, than help it. First of all, anyone familiar with the Indian Act knows there are relatively few education provisions in the Indian Act, most of which are not even used any more. In comparison to Bill C-33, the Minister will have greatly enhanced powers over First Nation education.

     

    The majority of all analysis to date by actual First Nation legal, policy and education experts are in agreement that this Act increases Ministerial power and decreases First Nation control. Augustine refers to experts, but doesn’t name any. There is a reason why there is such a mass opposition to this bill, and it’s not a fear of losing the status quo. We are all wanting to overturn the status quo and make changes for our people. Most of us however, want to go forward, not backwards. Most of us want to preserve our sovereignty and jurisdiction over education, not give up control to the Minister, his education co-managers or third party managers. 

     

    This Act lays out a path for the assimilation of First Nations into provincially-directed curriculum, the incorporation of provincial laws on reserve, forces First Nations to educate non-First Nations students, and all must be done in either English or French. This is not a “new journey” – it’s the same path of assimilation Canada has been trying to force us down for the last 500 years. We are trying to undo the damage of residential schools – not repeat it.

    Augustine goes on in his letter to chastize Chiefs for allegedly adopting an all or nothing approach, yet presents Chiefs with a defeatist approach: something or nothing. He uses the same logic and persuasion tactics that the federal government has used for decades. He essentially argues that we have to take whatever deal we can get, because we won’t get anything better. He forgets we have survived many Prime Ministers, Minister of Indian Affairs and other adversaries over the years. This Prime Minister too, will pass. The question is: will we have sold the farm out of fear or preserved our rights for future generations? Augustine is so ingrained in colonial ideologies that selling out rights for beads and trinkets becomes the only logical option – a very defeatist and weak approach. It is certainly not an approach befitting our strong, proud, independent Nations that have thrived on Turtle Island since time immemorial. We have a choice – we don’t have to give up control over our education. That doesn’t have to be the sacrifice we make to advance our cause for properly funded education systems. Our Aboriginal, inherent and treaty rights are solid – we have had them since time immemorial and they cannot be unilaterally extinguished. We can only lose them if we voluntarily give them up. Augustine wants us to embrace inevitable assimilation – the standardization of the Indian in the child, until there are no Indians – all in exchange for a little money. http://www.indigenousnationhood.blogspot.ca/2014/03/first-nations-controlled-first-nations.html Some things that are not negotiable and our sovereignty and jurisdiction over education is one of them. Our rights are not for sale. To voluntarily allow Canada to legislate the treaty right to education is an insult to the ancestors who fought to protect those rights for future generations. Harper wants First Nations to voluntarily transform their treaty right to education into a discretionary program entitlement that is subject to the whims of Parliament. Why would anyone do this? Augustine’s impatience with Chiefs is more of a reflection of his own skewed view of First Nation politics. He thinks the quick deal is the best deal – one battle at a time he says. He equates “winning” with money. He forgets that sometimes the real win is the protection of what makes us who we are: our sovereignty as Nations. No amount of money can ever be as powerful as the sovereignty bestowed on us by the Creator and defended by our ancestors for generations. There can no compromise on First Nation Control of First Nation Education. The solution is simple: In the short term we must address the crisis in First Nation education created by the purposeful, chronic underfunding by the federal government. Amendments can be made to contribution agreements by adjusting funding levels AT LEAST comparable with the provincial rates, with additional amounts to build and repair schools, teach Indigenous languages and build capacity and training. There is a cumulative deficit in the billions in underfunded education on reserve. Even if we are funded now, it will take decades to catch up. In the longer term, it will be up to each Nation to decide how they want to go about addressing the larger issues of treaty implementation, restitution of lands and resources and the recognition of First Nation governance. It’s not for any one leader, organization, Minister or Regional Chief to make that decision for us. #StayUnited against #FNCFNEA #KillBillC33 #ValcourtResign