Tag: rule of law

  • Clearing the lands has always been at the heart of Canada’s Indian Policy

    Originally published in The Globe and Mail on February 27, 2020.

    Canada’s Indian policy hasn’t changed much

    After the events of the past few weeks in Canada, one thing remains clear: Canada’s Indian policy hasn’t changed much since its inception. Indian policy has always had two objectives: to obtain Indian lands and resources and to reduce financial obligations to Indigenous peoples acquired through treaties or other means. Its primary methods were elimination or assimilation of Indian

    Colonial governments had a long history of scalping bounties to kill specific groups of Indigenous peoples, using small pox blankets to increase death rates from disease and forced sterilizations to reduce the populations. Even Confederation did not dispense with the violent colonization of what would now become known as Canada. Canada’s first prime minister, Sir John A. Macdonald, told the House of Commons in 1882: “I have reason to believe that the agents as a whole … are doing all they can, by refusing food until the Indians are on the verge of starvation, to reduce the expense.” Canada was fully engaged in clearing the lands, by any means necessary.


    View article (PDF) Genocide, Indian Policy, and Legislated Elimination of Indians in Canada


    Reconciliation: The goal is the same

    Now referred to as Indigenous reconciliation, the goal is still the same: to clear the lands of Indigenous peoples in order to bolster settlement and extraction of resources. This singular focus formed the basis of the violent colonization of Indigenous lands and peoples and, ultimately, is why Canada has been accused of genocide by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. Canada’s complex set of laws, policies, practices, actions and omissions have created an infrastructure of violence toward Indigenous peoples and the continued dispossession of their lands.

    This is at the heart of the devastating socio-economic conditions of many Indigenous peoples today, including multiple health crises such as diabetes, heart disease and strokes, lower life spans, higher rates of mental illness and some of the highest suicide rates in the world. These genocidal policies also serve to remove Indigenous peoples from their lands through high foster care rates, killings and disappearances of Indigenous women and girls and the skyrocketing incarceration rates.

    Apologies versus Land Back

    Despite carefully worded apologies and promises of a better relationship, none of these conditions has changed and, in fact, most are getting worse. Add to this that First Nations have less than 0.02 per cent of all their lands left – mostly in tiny reserves controlled by the federal government. Political rhetoric about supporting Indigenous self-determination means very little when we are denied access to our lands and resources.

    We need to be honest about what is going on. There never was any real intention of recognizing Indigenous land rights – whether under Indigenous laws, Section 35 aboriginal and treaty right protections in the Constitution Act, 1982, or by implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. It has been painfully clear, at every flashpoint in Canada’s history, that it is willing to starve Indigenous peoples into submission or imprison them to access their lands.

    This is at the heart of what is happening across Canada over the past few weeks. The Wet’suwet’en Nation, as represented by their traditional government, acting on Wet’suwet’en laws and decision-making protocols, have said no to pipelines on their traditional territory. While five of the six band councils within the Nation have allegedly agreed to the pipeline, their jurisdiction extends over their reserve lands. It is the hereditary leaders who have the legal jurisdiction over their traditional territory, to decide whether the pipeline can cross their pristine forests and rivers.

    Canada breaches its own “Rule of law”

    The Supreme Court of Canada had already acknowledged in the Delgamuukw case that these were the proper representatives to bring a claim of aboriginal title. Eight of these leaders have said no to the pipeline. Despite this, the RCMP invaded their territory and forcibly removed them from their lands – counter to Wet’suwet’en law, Canadian law and international law. UNDRIP, which is now implemented in British Columbia, prevents the forced removal of Indigenous peoples from their lands. This flagrant breach of Canada’s own rule of law is why the peaceful solidarity actions started all over Canada.


    Read article: Mi’kmaw treaty rights, reconciliation and the ‘rule of law’


    This is also why these actions will continue. Every time law enforcement is sent in to the clear the lands of the “Indians” to make way for pipelines and extraction of resources, you will see more and more Indigenous nations and Canadian allies stand against this injustice.

    The real issue has always been about the land. The way forward is recognition of our right to be self-determining over our own lands and resources.

    Anything less is just the same old Indian policy that invites more uncertainty and social conflict. Canada can do better. It’s time to move past genocide and work toward respect for Indigenous land rights.

    #Landback

    This article originally appeared in The Globe and Mail on February 27, 2020 and updated on February 28, 2020 and can be found here: Clearing the lands has always been at the heart of Canada’s Indian Policy. The blog version has been slightly edited for style and the addition of resources.

  • The First Nations’ Agenda in the Ontario Election

    *This article was originally published in Lawyer’s Daily on June 4, 2018 Prime Minister Trudeau and his Liberal Party have been taking a significant amount of heat for their collective failures to act on their substantive promises to First Nations — including, water, housing, education health and Aboriginal, treaty and land rights and title — as well as his approval of the Kinder Morgan pipeline without First Nation free, prior and informed consent. Here in Ontario, many First Nations also have their focus on Election 2018 and what it might mean for their relationship with the Crown in right of the province of Ontario. In theory, it shouldn’t matter which party gets elected in Ontario assuming they follow the rule of law which includes respecting Indigenous laws, the right to be self-determining, inherent rights, Aboriginal rights and title, treaty rights and the right to free, prior and informed consent. However, we know from practice that federal and provincial governments breach Aboriginal rights more than they honour them — so in that respect, it really does matter which party is elected — at least to some degree. It is important for voters — First Nations and Ontarians alike — to be familiar with the actual platforms of each party and not just their catchy slogans. We need to know in what ways these candidates will move forward in a spirit of reconciliation with First Nations in concrete terms. To this end, only two of three major parties have grown-up platforms — the NDP and the Liberals. The Conservatives don’t have an actual platform — unless we include the 12 promises made on the landing page of Doug Ford’s website — none of which contain more than a few sentences or mention Indigenous issues. Of the three platforms, only the NDP and Liberals have commitments specific to First Nations. The NDP and Liberal platforms share similar promises to First Nations, including their general commitment to reconciliation and to maintaining a government-to-government relationship. They also both commit to maintain support for the national inquiry into murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls as well as addressing racism in the justice system. Both also commit to cleaning up the mercury contamination at Grassy Narrows and to ensuring that the Ring of Fire is developed. Responsibility for First Nations health care has been the subject of much debate between the federal government’s section 91(24) jurisdiction in regards to “Indians and lands reserved for the Indians” and the provincial government’s section 92(7) jurisdiction in relation to hospitals. This debate has largely left out First Nation jurisdiction and the treaty responsibility to provide health care — a responsibly which is shared by the Crown in Right of Canada and the province. However, unlike other provinces, both NDP and Liberal platforms in Ontario make significant funding commitments to fill federal underfunding in health care on reserve. There are key areas where the NDP and Liberal platforms differ. The NDP promises to work with First Nations to create stable revenue sources, including resource revenue sharing. One of those commitments is to transfer all taxes made from mining in Ontario to First Nations, which the NDP estimate to be about $218M over five years. The Liberal platform on the other hand does not specifically commit to share in resource revenues, but only agrees to share in the “benefits of resource development” which could literally mean anything, but most likely refers to the usual jobs and community projects. In a similar vein, the NDP also specifically commits to respect First Nation treaty rights— something the Liberal platform does not address. Neither party addresses Aboriginal title and treaty land issues, or the addition of much-needed lands to reserves, except the Liberals who agree to continue land claim negotiations trilaterally with First Nations and the federal government. One need only look at the long-standing Six Nations land claim for the Haldimand tract as an example of how ineffective these negotiations are as “solutions” to land claims. Another critical area where the NDP and Liberals differ is in how they plan to address the crisis over over-representation of First Nations children in the foster care system — something federal Indigenous Services Minister Jane Philpott called a “humanitarian crisis.” Yet despite the crisis, the federal government has delayed complying with the orders of the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal to end racial discrimination and properly fund First Nation child and family services. Therefore, it matters whether or not the province of Ontario will step in. The Liberals have not made any commitments to address this crisis, but the NDP has promised to work toward the goal of no First Nation children in care; to end the use of solitary confinement for children; and to work with First Nation leaders and experts to identify the needs of these children. Both the NDP and Liberals commit to making First Nations a priority in terms of skills training. Neither made mention of specific contributions to First Nation post-secondary education, though the Liberals currently provide some funding to First Nations to attend university as well as support Indigenous educational institutes. Both plan to support Indigenous institutes and programming for Indigenous children, youth and families living off-reserve. Only the Liberals have made a commitment to fund 4,500 new childcare spaces on reserve and $70M over two years for childcare spaces for off-reserve children and families. This is a significant commitment given the fact that most children on reserve live in poverty and their homes are mostly headed by single mothers who could use childcare support for education, training and employment. Ultimately, both the NDP and Liberals make significant commitments to First Nations. The Conservatives have made no commitments at all. In fact, the 12 bullets on Ford’s webpage tend to show more of an obsession with Kathleen Wynne and ending carbon taxes. So far, all we have to go by is Ford’s reported failure to respond to requests for his Indigenous platform; his alleged refusal to allow an Indigenous woman to one of his events; he and his family’s alleged involvement in the drug trade; his alleged need to hire actors at events as supporters; and his alleged purchase of bogus memberships to support Conservative candidates — let alone his Trump-like views on women’s reproductive rights and climate change. He is not likely to be a strong candidate for the First Nation vote. Finally, there was no firm commitment by any party to address First Nation land and resource ownership or specific treaty rights. Nor was there any firm commitment to implement and respect the right of First Nations to free, prior and informed consent before any provincial decisions, laws or actions are implemented that might impact First Nation rights and title. In the end, whoever is elected will face the same issues as Trudeau and will have to decide whether reconciliation includes the rule of law, including Indigenous law, treaty law and constitutional laws, or more empty promises. *Link to the article that originally appeared in Lawyer’s Daily on June 4, 2018 https://www.thelawyersdaily.ca/articles/6628/the-first-nations-agenda-in-the-ontario-election-pamela-palmater?category=columnists