Tag: Bill S-4

  • The Slow, Painful Death of CAP: Can it be Saved?

    THIS BLOG DOES NOT REPRESENT LEGAL ADVICE AND IS SOLELY MY OWN PERSONAL OPINION. The Congress of Aboriginal Peoples (CAP) is a national Aboriginal organization that once claimed to represent the interests of status and non-status Indians living off-reserve in Canada. The current national President is Betty-Ann Lavallee who used to be the President of one of CAP’s affiliates – the New Brunswick Aboriginal Peoples Council (NBAPC). CAP has recently changed its website and in so doing, has changed the focus of who it claims to represent being “the interests of its provincial and territorial affiliate organizations”. The provincial and territorial affiliates of CAP located in the East receive core funding for their operations, whereas those in the west have struggled without much success in obtaining funding. CAP’s board of directors are comprised of the Presidents of each of the affiliate organizations – most of whom, including CAP, prefer to be referred to as “Chiefs” – ironic given their anti-Chief stance. CAP used to be known as the Native Council of Canada (NCC) and in its early years had incredibly dynamic, passionate leaders who advocated strongly on behalf of those Aboriginal peoples who were excluded from legal recognition and equal access to Aboriginal and treaty rights as well as programs and services. Incredible leaders like Viola Robinson, Tony Belcourt, Harry Daniels, Ron George, and Dwight Dorey went on to make other significant contributions to the plight of off-reserve Aboriginal peoples. The NCC was there at the constitutional talks, they advocated for equality for Aboriginal women during the Bill C-31 era, and were on the front-lines organizing protests when governments were going to reduce housing for off-reserve Aboriginal peoples. The NCC at the time also represented Metis peoples and their struggles for recognition and equality long before the Powley case and the creation of the Metis National Council (MNC). Some may find it hard to believe, but the NCC and the Assembly of First Nations (AFN)(formerly NIB) used to work closely together on a wide variety of issues. Unfortunately, those days are long over. The NCC (now CAP) started its slow, downward descent when Patrick Brazeau (then Vice-President) assumed the position of President when former President, Dwight Dorey stepped down after 7 years in office. There was no election for the position of President by the members of the off-reserve – it was an automatic assumption of Presidency as per CAP’s Constitution and By-Laws. Brazeau served less than 3 years as the National President, but in that short time managed to nearly destroy CAP and its reputation. Some Board members of CAP have indicated that Brazeau served a limited purpose in that he at least raised the profile of CAP and should be commended for his aggressive media agenda. I disagree. Simply raising the media profile of an organization is not an accomplishment if the reasons for why the profile was raised are negative or serve to hurt others. Brazeau used CAP as his “launching pad” to obtain media attention for himself, not CAP; align himself politically with the Conservative Party; and eventually jump ship and land himself a conservative Senate seat all while trashing First Nations and their leaders. That might suit Brazeau’s interests, but what did CAP get out of the deal? If you listen to Board members and various media reports, what Brazeau left CAP with was controversy, destroyed relationships with other NAO’s, allegations of sexual harassment, a decreased budget, financial turmoil, and worst of all – a confused and discouraged membership. Brazeau, now Senator Brazeau, has been described in the media as a “loose cannon” and “self-promoting” for spewing negativity against First Nations communities and their leaders at every opportunity. Unfortunately for CAP, this still has repercussions for them given how he used his position at CAP to gain his initial media profile. But that is as far as my sympathy goes for CAP. Once Brazeau finally agreed to give up his Presidency at CAP (and not obtain both a CAP salary and Senate salary as the he had originally intended) CAP had every opportunity to distance itself from the self-serving Brazeau-legacy. It could have elected leadership which would bring CAP back to its roots and its core mandate to be THE political voice for off-reserve Aboriginal peoples and take the much-needed steps to repair its relationships with other NAO’s and more importantly, the grass roots people Brazeau left behind. That is not what happened. Wisely or unwisely, some voters in the Atlantic region reported difficulty getting the then President of NBAPC, Betty-Ann Lavallee, to do any work on behalf of its constituency and so decided that if they could not get rid of her constitutionally (as she always had her lawyer by her side), then voting her into CAP would at least get her out of NB. I can see the appeal of such an approach. The plan worked, except no one could foresee that no election would held at the NBAPC and that a staff member of the NBAPC would eventually acclaimed as President. This has left many NB members dazed and confused to say the least. But, that is all just the behind the scenes and media gossip. It will never be confirmed or denied and no explanations will ever be forthcoming as is the case in political controversies. In fairness, CAP should be judged on its record. In the short time that Betty-Ann Lavallee has been President of CAP, she has shown an eerily similar disposition to that of Brazeau, although much less informed. Lavallee has demonstrated that she will flip-flip CAP’s position on just about any issue to suit the conservative party line. All of this is done in the name of CAP but without consulting in a meaningful way with its own members (not Board) on issues that are important to them. By way of example, CAP prepared a submission to Indian and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC)to put on the record its position on Bill C-3 Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act. CAP argued that INAC did not consult with Aboriginal peoples, that the Indian Act’s registration provisions were discriminatory, and that section 6(1) of the Act should be amended to include all those born pre-1985 to remedy the full extent of gender inequality in that provision. By the time it rolled around to CAP’s turn to present to the Standing Committee on Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development (AAON) on Bill C-3, CAP had changed its tune and was willing to support the bill. In case there was any doubt about CAP’s Brazeau-esque support of the Conservative Government, when CAP appeared before the Senate Standing Committee on Bill S-4 Matrimonial Real Property on Reserve, Lavallee specifically endorsed the Conservative Party’s suite of legislation. In fact, if you read the transcripts of her submission on Bill S-4, it sounds more like a Conservative Party ad for their initiatives than any sustantive input on the bill. She cited the residential schools apology, Bill S-4, Bill C-3, and the right of Indians to vote as significant evidence of the Conservative Government’s commitment to “humanity” for Aboriginal peoples. If anyone was under any doubt about whether Lavallee’s CAP would abandon the Brazeau legacy or cuddle up to the Conservatives – Lavallee settled it that day. Furthermore, in stark contrast to Brazeau’s media blitz, Lavallee is almost never in the media on any issue. It is as though CAP has fallen off the face of the earth. CAP used to stand for equality and didn’t make deals that were harmful to its members. Now the CAP Presidency is used either as a political launching pad or just a job. Some might say that I am simply being critical of any NAO. To my mind, what I am most critical of is the holier-than-thou hypocrisy started by Brazeau and being carried forward by Lavallee. When Brazeau accepted his Senate seat, he announced to the public that he would be maintaining his position and salary at CAP as well as drawing a Senate salary. This seems to be a pretty hypocritical position for one who has so vocally criticized any First Nation Chief that only makes ONE 6 figure salary, let alone TWO. Brazeau criticizes First Nations for not respecting the rights of Aboriginal women, yet it was Brazeau who made headlines for having sexual harassment complaints and made disparaging remarks against all the Aboriginal women who offered testimony on Bill S-4. Lavallee has proven to be no different. It is reported that Brazeau left CAP in financial turmoil, with various federal departments claiming “financial irregularities” and large sums of money that were not accounted for in their financial reports. So, some could argue that he left CAP in a mess. That doesn’t prevent Lavallee from taking the bull by the horns and getting the situation under control. Yet, at CAP’s recent AGM, many AGM delegates and some Board of Directors reported that CAP showed a deficit of nearly 2 million dollars. Yet despite this fact, Lavallee allegedly requested a significant increase to her 6 figure salary at a board meeting preceding the AGM. While some board members were against a raise until the deficit was addressed, it is reported that she nevertheless ended up with a raise. Now I don’t know about other Aboriginal people living off-reserve, but aside from the obvious hypocrisy, what does this say about the usefulness of CAP? Am I getting any value for the tax dollars I use to pay Lavallee’s inflated salary? It would be one thing if CAP was in a deficit because it had accomplished a long list of things for Aboriginal peoples living off-reserve, but I fear my tax dollars are being used to fund her trips to Bolivia and her salary increase, as opposed to any tangible improvements for Aboriginal peoples living off-reserve. Where is the self-restraint or the self-sacrifice? How could a real leader inflate their own salary when she has not even secured core funding for her own western affiliates? If CAP is not already dead, it is surely in the process of a slow, painful death as years now pass without advancing the cause for off-reserve Aboriginal peoples. Can CAP be saved? I think the better question is should it be saved? Is there anyone in Indian country ready and willing to support another NAO that appears to be more concerned about securing enough funding for consultants and staff to administer programs and services, than it does with making any substantive difference for Aboriginal people politically, legally, culturally or otherwise? I guess that call is for the grass roots people to make.

  • Letter to editor of Globe & Mail re Bill S-4

    Dear editor; My name is Pam Palmater and I am a Mi’kmaq lawyer originally from New Brunswick and am now the Chair of Ryerson University’s Centre for Indigenous Governance. I was called as an expert witness on several bills, including Bill S-4 – Family Homes on Reserve and Matrimonial Interests or Rights Act (otherwise referred to as MRP legislation). Please find attached a copy of my official submission to the Senate in this regard. However, I would also refer you to the transcript of Senate proceedings as this contains additional vital information about the Bill and its potential impacts. The reason for my letter to you today is because Mr. Curry, in his article dated July 6, 2010 and entitled “Senate approves bill to help abused, divorced aboriginal women”, presented factually inaccurate information which serves only to perpetuate misleading information about the real issues and negative stereotypes about Aboriginal peoples. For example, while the sub-headline may create drama around the vote to support/reject the bill, the fact is 32 Senators voted against it, not two, and they voted this way primarily because of the nearly unanimous voices of the Aboriginal leaders, women and organization that appeared before the Senate on Bill S-4. Those 32 Senators who voted against this bill did so based on very informed and detailed presentations from well-respected groups like the Canadian Bar Association who warned that this Bill would create new rights for non-Indians in reserve land and that consultation was required before the bill proceeded. Even more shameful is the fact that there is very little reference to what Aboriginal peoples’ views were – and an embarrassing lack of reference to the views presented by Aboriginal women themselves. Before the Senate there was nearly unanimous opposition to this Bill by Aboriginal women like myself, Native Women’s Association of Canada, Quebec Native Women, Women Chiefs of the Assembly of First Nations and others. The common theme amongst the Aboriginal women was that change is definitely needed, but no Aboriginal women were willing to give up their individual and communal Aboriginal, treaty, land and governance rights in exchange for federal control over matrimonial property. What gets forgotten is that a violation of the right to self-government of a First Nation is also a violation against that First Nation’s women. Aboriginal women are struggling to protect their rights and identities for their future generations which can’t be achieved if Canada resorts back to paternalistic control over their personal lives and re-institutes Indian agents through “verifiers”. Even worse is the fact that this bill won’t help Aboriginal women but will open up reserve lands to non-Indians in violation of countless treaties, the Royal Proclamation, the Indian Act itself and the Constitution Act, 1982. This aspect of the Bill is, in essence, illegal. It purports to unilaterally change constitutionally protected rights without amending the constitution. Canada cannot, by amendment of the Indian Act, amend the Constitution. First Nations lands are protected for the SOLE use of First Nations and changing this fact without consultation with First Nations has been referred to by various academics as an abuse of power. Mr. Curry also refers to the fact that Bill S-4 is the third time around for MRP legislation but fails to highlight that the reason it failed the last two times was because there was no consultation with First Nations. Consultation is not a mere nicity that the government can choose to ignore at will. In addition to the honour of the Crown and its various fiduciary obligations towards Aboriginal peoples, Canada has a LEGAL obligation to fully inform, consult with and accommodate the legitimate concerns of First Nations whose Aboriginal, treaty and/or land rights may be impacted by government decisions, actions, policy or legislation. I need only refer to the numerous Supreme Court of Canada decisions like Haida, Taku, Mikisew Cree, Delgamuukw, Guerin, Sparrow, Van der Peet Trilogy, Sappier and Gray which support this fact. The fact of the matter is that Canada “engaged” with Aboriginal political organizations at a very general level but it did not consult with First Nations specifically about Bill S-4. Even Canada’s own Ministerial representative concluded that consultations had NOT taken place and that any solution must include consultation. Whenever a well-read newspaper such as the Globe and Mail leaves out critical information that would permit readers to have access to at least the basic information to come to their own conclusions about issues like Bill S-4, it detracts from its usefulness and risks becoming a one-sided advocacy piece. Readers deserve more and so do the subjects that you treat. Aboriginal peoples are regularly portrayed negatively in the media because that serves the interests of right-wing thinkers who believe everyone should subscribe to their limited views about what it means to be a Canadian. So, the fact the Mr. Curry could write about Bill S-4 and not even mention the fact that this Bill will affect First Nation jurisdiction over their own lands or that it does not recognize and implement their right to be self-governing – both rights of which are protected in section 35 of the Constitution Act, 1982 is irresponsible. In 1996 Canada recognized that the inherent right of self-government was protected in section 35 of the The Constitution Act, 1982 and that issues like membership and family law was the sole jurisdiction of First Nations. The Constitution Act, 1982 is the Supreme Law of Canada and Canada can’t choose to honour it only when it is convenient. We just celebrated Canada Day on July 1 – perhaps we also need a day to celebrate our Constitution and remind Canadians that First Nations and their rights are just as an integral part of our Constitution as are our highly valued Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In addition to these glaring omissions, I would also like to draw your attention to several factual inaccuracies: (1) Mr. Curry claims that this bill is designed to help “abused, divorced aboriginal women”. The conservative senators specifically clarified at the hearings that this bill was not targeted at abused Aboriginal women. I refer you to the transcript for more details. Similarly, even if it was, it should be noted that all legal experts who presented testified that this bill does not offer real remedies for Aboriginal women as there is no funding to access lawyers or courts and there is no funding to help create local remedies that are accepted by the community. (2) Mr. Curry claims that Aboriginal women’s only options are to “plead their case to the local band council”. He obviously did not follow the hearings or peruse the transcripts which highlighted the First Nations who have already designed their own MRP laws or have traditional or informal rules which take care of MRP issues. I refer specifically to Anishanabek Nation, Six Nations, Akwesasne and others who, under this bill, will have their own MRP laws rejected. While MRP laws are necessary in many First Nation communities, what is needed is capacity building and funding to support First Nations to work with their communities to come up with their own laws and local dispute resolution mechanisms – we already know from residential schools how things turn out when Canada imposes its own views on Aboriginal peoples. (3) Citing Senator LeBreton does not help Mr. Curry’s article either. Mr. Curry cites her as saying that she is “mystified” that Aboriginal Women Senators Dyck and Lovelace would oppose the bill. With all due respect, she could only come to that conclusion if she ignored nearly every single submission and testimony that was made before the Senate hearings on Bill S-4. Senator Lovelace and Dyck are well-respected Aboriginal women who have been a part of the struggle to have the voices of First Nations and Aboriginal women in particular heard. What those two Senators did was actually listen to what Aboriginal women and First Nations said and brought those views and concerns forward. This is what is expected of those who represent the people – Senators blindly support whatever their political party advocates without listening to the people are undemocratic. LeBreton didn’t even listen to what her own conservative senators said at the hearing. She claims the legislation is geared towards “preventing cases of repeated abuse” yet her own conservative members specifically stated that it was not. When she did refer to testimony she discounted what the AFN had said on the basis that most First Nations leaders are male. Again, I would refer you to the testimony of the Aboriginal women, experts and organizations that were also against this bill. I would refer you to the report of the Ministerial Representative on MRP who highlighted the fact that there are more Aboriginal women chiefs of First Nations in Canada, than there are women in the House of Commons. My elders always use to tell me that before one could criticize another, they should be sure that they have their own teepee in order. So, instead of trying to twist the issue to one of Aboriginal women versus Aboriginal men or individual rights versus communal rights, I would respectfully suggest that Mr. Curry look at the real issue: how Canada continues to develop policies and laws which control, divide and assimilate Aboriginal peoples despite their legally and constitutionally protected rights. If Canada was truly concerned about gender equality, it would work with Aboriginal women to amend Bill C-3 Gender Equity in Indian Registration Act to once and for all make status equal between Aboriginal men and women. Canada can’t have it both ways – it either wants true gender equality for Aboriginal women in all laws and policies or it doesn’t. If it does, then it has to listen to Aboriginal women about Bill S-4 and the need for consultation. If it doesn’t, then we’ll see more of the legislation that the conservatives have tried to cram through the House and Senate – Bill S-4, Bill C-3, Bill C-24, and Bill S-11. Respectfully; Pam